Opinion: Tamil is a Key Link to the Indian Ocean

by Gogol G.

In the present, Sri Lanka is working feverishly to push its hegemonic programmes of colonisation and occupation to their logical conclusion as soon as possible. For far too long, SL has been seeking its own definition of success through oppressing the other ethnic groups of the island. Although SL's political structure is the cause for this vicious cycle, the reality of this enduring pattern is more apparent with each passing day. The armed conflict that ended in May 2009 has resulted in the subjugation of the Tamil population of the island after eliminating any protective barriers that existed. The Sinhala-Buddhist anti-"minority" identity agenda has now moved on to oppressing the Muslim ethnic group, their religion (Islam), and with yet slightly less frequency, Christianity and Hinduism.

Hand-in-hand with the genocide of the ethnic groups for whom the Northeast is their historical homeland is the seizure of their land's resources. Perhaps more valuable than the silicon in the beach sands and areas of rice, onions, and pearls, is the geostrategic importance of ship travel. India, China, and the US all want access to Trincomalee harbour, the 2nd or 3rd best natural harbour in the world. Consider India out of the running for reasons that are self-inflicted, as will be elaborated below. In the contest between the US and China, SL is a highly self-aware pawn. SL's game of awarding the spoils of Tamil subjugation to the highest bidder has ended in SL preferring China in all arenas. This positional solidification complements China's strategy of no-questions high-dollar investment in exchange for unrestricted access to resources valued at many orders of magnitude higher. President Rajapakse has been accusing the West of a conspiracy with Tamils to undermine the Sri Lankan government, but he is just exaggerating an overlap of interests. Tamils want freedom and prosperity, while the West want world stability and Indian Ocean security. To allow a government in the world order to commit genocide on its own people using chemical weapons and cluster bombs would set a dangerous precedent for global peace. If the West does not yet realise the futility of achieving peace in Sri Lanka through a strongly-centralised unitary or federal political framework, it will discover so very quickly as it deals with Sri Lanka more.

Clearly, in addition to a favourable chance of access to Trincomalee harbour, there are more important ideals at stake regarding the plight of Tamils as far as the West is concerned. A yet-unrealised genuine post-conflict reconciliation in the island depends on those ideals. However, there is one important asset in the geopolitical equations of Indian Ocean control that is yet often overlooked: Tamil(s).

History of Tamils in the Indian Ocean

When it comes to the Indian Ocean, many have sailed through these waters and held sway, but perhaps none have done so for longer, and have done it earlier, than Tamils themselves. Since before the advent of the Common Era, much of South India and Ceylon spoke Tamil. As well, so did the earliest settlers of Ceylon from the Indian subcontinent.

From one of the earliest Tamil words used to describe the island -- Chaiy-a'lam ('red tract of land') -- we get the words chingkalam (in Tamil, 1. a name for the island; 2. the Singalese language), Serendib (via Arabic via Greek) and Ceylon (via British, Dutch, Portugese, via Marco Polo, via Greek). By extension, it turns out, the name "Singalam" for the Sinhalese has nothing to do with the word lion ("singam"), although the coincidence of the 2 words was incorporated into the 5th century C.E. Mahavamsa to retro-actively create an origins mythology for the newly-coalesced Singalese identity. The prevailing, accepted theory among scholars for the origin of the Singalese as a separate identity speaking a separate language from the Tamils has its roots in religion. The Tamils who inhabited the island spread to all parts of the island. At some point around the 3rd century BCE, Buddhism became popular throughout the Indian subcontinent, moving southward to the Tamil-speaking South India, and from there, on to Ceylon. Converts to Buddhism among Tamils came largely from Saivites (and converts to Jainism came largely from Vainavites, worshippers of Vishnu). The Tamils of the isolated southwest portion of Ceylon started to develop Buddhist culture, read Buddhist writings in Pali, and mix Pali into their language (Tamil), and what resulted is what we know know as the Singalese language. In 2-3 centuries, they formed a separate identity that they referred to as 'Singalam' (Singalese), denoting that they are of the island called 'Singalam'. A revival movement subsequently occurred among Saivite and Vainavite Tamils in the mainland (India) that caused a conversion of Buddhists and Jains back to Saivam and Vainavam, respectively. This change affected the Tamils in India and, due to the proximity, the people of the North and East Ceylon, since they were the ones who still continued to speak Tamil. This completed the separation of the North and East of the island into Tamil-speaking Saivites, and the Southwest of the island into Singalese-speaking Buddhists. (Fun fact: The origin language of the world "Lanka" is unknown, but it originally referred to any island, and seemingly only in the latter half of its existence has come to mean another name for the island of Ceylon. Among the words Lanka, Singalam/Ceylon and Eelam/Elu/Hela, the oldest word for the island is Eelam.)

Tamil influence around the Indian Ocean from early Tamil kingdoms is evidenced in different aspects. The languages still spoken in the archipelagoes in the Arabian Sea and Bay of Bengal are creoles of Tamil and Pali, the 2 lingua francas of the merchants of the region for centuries after these atoll islands may have come into existence, 2500 years ago. The alphabets of the languages in southern Ceylon (Singalese) and South East Asia (Thai, Burmese, Khmer, Javanese) come from the Grantha alphabet that the Pallava kingdom created to transcribe Pali and Sanskrit. The Pallavas spread this alphabet to all of these areas around the Indian Ocean. If you've ever thought that Sinhalese and Southeast Asian languages look similar, this is why. The cultural "Indian" influences in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, and surrounding areas is the result of Tamil influence that lasted perhaps a millennium or more, starting almost 2 millennia ago, for example, the splendid architecture of Angkor Wat. This is due to the exploration of Tamil kingdoms like the Pallavas and the Cholas. Tamil maritime trading's history may have a history even longer than 2000 years, however, if we consider that moringa oil, from the moringa trees native to India and grown mostly in Southern India, was used to make perfumes and lotions that were used in ancient Egypt and Etruria. The striking similarities in cuisines between Southern Indian Subcontinent and Southeast Asia is another obvious marker of Tamil cross-pollination. More research needs to go into understanding the true antiquity and extent of Tamil history and maritime trade links. For example, what of the links between ancient South India and ancient Japan and Korea? (Could this explain the origins of the 'mysterious' ushering in of the dramatic progress of the Yayoi period that led to modern Japanese culture?) Given the long-standing historical links in the Indian Ocean, Tamils fleeing SL govt atrocities since 1948 have chosen places like Malaysia to take refuge in, while the British brought Tamils as forced migrants to many of its former southern hemisphere colonies, ultimately leaving Tamil diaspora populations in areas where Tamils have a natural affinity. Among Tamils worldwide, none are so maritime-oriented as the Tamil-speaking people of Tamil Eelam.

(UPDATE 31.10.12 The news of potsherds engraved with ancient Tamil writing found in Oman, dating to the 1st century CE, was reported in TamilNet today as Tamil went to Oman 20 centuries ago. It turns out that similar Tamil potsherd findings were made in Thailand in the 2nd century CE and in Egypt in the 1st century BCE.)

(UPDATE 2013-03-11 The Economist reports that South Indians migrated en masse to Australia 4,000 years, bringing along advanced technology and the dingo dog, and intermingled with the local population. The connection between Tamil and the Indus Valley Civilisation is obvious but lacks physical artifacts whose locations are known but remain unearthed and unresearched. This also implies Tamils were clearly the original inhabitants of Ceylon, even if accept the hyperbolic Mahavamsa as a credible, historical document.)

India's Loss of Control Over SL

In some ways, India is merely an empire aspirant that inherited the reins of power from the British colonialists after independence in 1947. Many of the ethnic groups within the country, on the periphery literally and figuratively, might say so. In the context of an empire, India has overstretched itself before it could really get going, and breakup might seem inevitable in the future. India never allowed Jammu and Kashmir a referendum to determine its autonomy, and that has perhaps given a foothold in the region to Pakistan and China moreso than would have happened otherwise. Obviously, the same has happened with the Tamils in Ceylon. As the big country in the region, India might have previously been able to enact a UK-style arrangement with all of its small neighbours that were also a part of the British Empire's India -- Bangladesh, Nepal, Kashmir, and Maldives. And if India could have been able to share (or subsume) the defense responsibilities of the region with those neighbours, if not like the UK then at least like a sort of South Asian NATO, it would have been able to influence the course of military matters in the region as if it were a Ouija board. All this speculation is moot, for what we saw instead was India's strategy of sending in troops to India's Northeast, to Kashmir, and to Sri Lanka and subdue resistance through brutal force, unsuccessfully. If India has any such 'Ramayanam Mindset' as the Singhalese 'Mahavamsa Mindset', then they will find it fraught with historical errors and contradictions, and it will continue to take them further backwards, not forwards. India's inability and lack of interest to mould an inclusive identity within the country, let alone regionally, has opened itself and its neighbours to being targets of internal unrest fomented by its external threats, especially from China.


So what is the 'grand strategy' in India's mind? The same story of China heavily investing in SL much more than India is repeating itself in the rest of the region, and if the story were just that, India's strategy might be feasible. It is argued that China's means of empire expansion are purely economic with no apparent signs of military strategic planning. But SL is a good example of how economics is enough for China to engineer changes in the global military balance without firing a shot. As we continue to watch China rise from a superpower into an empire over the next few decades, the competition between the US and China will be played out economically. Thus Indian Ocean will be an important theatre of activity, perhaps economically and politically, but hopefully just not militarily. But India cannot realistically consider itself on par with the US and China in this battle. And if India attempts to demand its pound of flesh, economically or politically, by getting in the way (ex: not getting the memo on where it stands, tarrying on assisting the US) it will only hasten an irrevocable, inevitable breakup of India into its constituent nations.

Shifting Power in the Indian Ocean

Historically, India has considered Tamils (in Tamil Nadu or Northeast Ceylon), at best, a nuisance. For at least the past 3 years, if not the past 10 years, India should've had the foresight to adopt the strategy of teaming up with Tamils on both sides of the Palk Strait. It should have realised that it is better to have a stable, friendly Tamil power as an ally than to share its southern shore with a lawless Southern Lankan government that has colonised all the way to Jaffna and Mannar and will play host to China and its allies (or any other power that suits it). Jaffna will be used for naval surveillance (including sonar to detect submarines), while Palaly field makes a convenient launchpad to launch aerial operations against India from the south. China will develop and control Trinco harbour, might destroy the coral reef ecosystem in Mannar in order to search for oil, and might dig up the entire Northeast beaches for silicon. First and foremost, such oil exploration and beach sand extraction, done with reckless abandon no doubt, would be irreparably damaging to the environment. It would prevent the residents of the Northeast from living safely in their own homeland, and Tamils would be less likely to serve as a counterbalance to this situation. For any eventuality that plays out remotely similarly to this scenario, it should behoove everyone to consider China's modus operandi. China waves enormous amounts of money at its "newfound friends" in exchange for rights to natural resources (or related infrastructure / access). But China will likely lose interest in these countries -- and the people therein -- once the resources are fully depleted, and it would do so just as fast as these friendly alliances were formed. Which country needs to learn this lesson the most? Yes, India is busy clearing sites domestically for mining operations, despite the militant unrest that it breeds. The result is India's 'red corridor', a contiguous chain of areas in India, from China to the Naxalites of northern Andhra Pradesh, where Maoist military groups are successfully challenging state power. And with all the fervour that India puts into extracting these natural resources to sell for a profit, despite the internal consequences, who is the main buyer of those resources? Yes, China, who uses them to create refined products and sells them at a higher price to large foreign markets, including India.

The only actor in South Asia or the Indian Ocean that seems to be acting based on long-term strategy, if nothing else, is the US. The US recognises that "Tamil Nadu is a gateway state ... because it is connected to the east and west". Tamil Nadu's connection to the East is no doubt a reference to the fact that Tamil is a key link to the Indian Ocean. As for why Tamil Nadu is connected to the West, we should look to Tamil Nadu's industrial economy and embrace of Western factory branches. Many Tamils work in the IT industry, either in Tamil Nadu or neighbouring states in South India, doing outsourcing work for Western tech companies. And Tamils had a head start in the outsourcing game because Tamil Nadu singularly and 'notoriously' opposed the imposition of Hindi over Tamil, instead choosing English as the exclusive link-language to the rest of India. (After all, if Tamil is related to the proto-Dravidian spoken in the ancient Indus Valley Civlisation, then Tamil certainly has the longest lineage of any language in the Indian subcontinent, at the least.) Not only Tamil Nadu, but all 4 states of South India (Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu) have a higher-than-average standard of living. If we add to this mix the fact that the Eelam Wars have created a large Tamil diaspora in all of the Western countries, then Tamil Nadu and Tamil Eelam are both truly gateways connecting East and West.
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Review: A Fleeting Moment in My Country

by Gogol G.

We've all heard the saying, "Truth is the first casualty in war," (attributed to U.S. Senate by Hiram Johnson in 1918). In war, the goals of 2 sides come into conflict, and there is a constant interplay of goals, facts (truths), and propaganda (public projection of information) in the realm of communication. This interplay makes it challenging for those without access to the original facts to understand the events in a proper context. The Eelam War that raged from 1983-2009 in the island of Ceylon/Lanka/Eelam is distinct, and perhaps unique, in that one party to the war (Tamils) had no international backers for most of the conflict. The upstart LTTE continued the fight until their own bitter end, despite being severely outmatched militarily, financially, and diplomatically. Thus, it is no surprise that there is an extreme shortage of widely-accepted facts about life in the areas under their control. The book A Fleeting Moment in My Country: The Last Years of the LTTE De Facto State, by N. Malathy, is the first such English-language book by someone who spent a very significant amount of time in the LTTE-run Tamil Eelam administration in the period of 2002-2009. More than that, this is the first extensive first-hand account of someone who lived through the end of the war, May 2009, and survived and escaped to tell the tale.

In spite of the fact that each individual's understanding of a conflict is an unending journey, and in spite of the fact that no individual can be separated from the humanly inherent, unavoidable bias we have (whether it is personal, cultural, etc.), fortunately, there are people who still care enough to not stand idly by. Any human with an opinion has, by default, a bias. To help people suffering in a conflict requires the compassion and reasoning to insert oneself into the conflict's blender of information and emotions, and doing so unavoidably opens one's self to 'disrepute' from critics, forces with opposing interests, etc. But those who are determined to help the victims in conflict find justification in that it is more important to do the 'dirty work' of helping people in conflict in an earthly life than it is to attain the benedictions of a saintly 'neutral' life. Such a description fits the author, N. Malathy, who describes herself as a social activist at heart and a member of the Tamil Diaspora. More than what she tells us, Malathy shows us, through her dispassionate, detailed, analytical recounting of facts, that she is also a scientist. And in the tradition of good science, she lays out all of the unvarnished details before making conclusions. Interspersed in between these passages of factual descriptions, Malathy includes personal side anecdotes of her travels as well as her contextualised interpretations and analysis of the directly preceding facts. Even these interluding stories and interpretations are written in the abbreviated, matter-of-fact style she uses in telling the plain facts.

There are two things that must be immediately pointed about about the interpretive analysis and anecdotes that Malathy provides. First, with her interpretive analysis, she is unafraid in asserting conclusions that, given her inside vantage point to the inner workings of the powerful actors in the conflict, end up seeming reasonable, if not obvious. It also pulls back the cloak of secrecy over the disparity between facts on the ground and how various actors project narratives of those facts. If one does simple subtracting of the facts from the propaganda, the difference we are left with are the goals/motivations of the actors that are projecting the propaganda. Malathy's analysis is such: it walks us through the simple mental deduction in order to show us that the geopolitical situation ultimately dictates the direction in which events proceed. It is a simple conclusion to reach, but not simplistic in the least, for the sequences of events she recounts repeatedly show the complex and profound impact that ever-changing geopolitical equations cause. It is a profound act to include such analysis alongside the facts because many Tamils, themselves, are no less susceptible to conflicting information that mirrors conflicting institutions of power: in addition to complex, confusing information, there is also the fallacy of false equivalences. Malathy did not wait for Western media to start re-evaluating itself in regards to issues truth, balance, and fairness. Put another way, Western media is only now starting to question where its backbone went, but will they finally reach the conclusion that they are subject to the Norman-Chomsky Propaganda Model? (Ironically, Chomsky is subject to an unspoken complete blacklist in the major media of his home country, the United States.) Similar to her re-telling of the facts, Malathy's analysis, based on its depth and amount, seems either terse or restrained, and they leave the reader wanting to know more.

Secondly, even if the anecdotes that Malathy provides might seem 'off-topic', the reaction of readers to these anecdotes might be more telling than the anecdotes themselves. Readers who live outside of the cultural context of those who live in the traditional Tamil-speaking homelands would most likely be unmoved by the descriptions of naaval plum fruits, the cool shade of mango and 'veeppam' trees from the pervasive afternoon heat, or clever monkeys stealing food out or your bag. It's the difference between readers reminiscing over what they know intimately well through the details of the disinterested observer Malathy, and the uninterested observer who is only passing through. How do you understand the significance of females feeling extremely safe traveling alone at night in South Asia, unless you have lived there? While Frances Harrison and Gordon Weiss recently published books on their experiences interfacing with both sides of the conflict, as a reporter and a UN representative, respectively, in the beginning and in the end of the 2002-2009 era, respectively, their understanding of the Tamil side of their analyses might remain incomplete for a while to come. How long did they spend in the Tamil areas? (Were they even permitted by their organisations or by SL to do so, if they wanted to?) Do they know Tamil (the language)? Mind you, Harrison and Weiss are doing a important service to the world in collecting unreported evidence that only people in their position might be privy to. But when you hear one of them refer to "Sun God" as Pirapaaharan's ephithet, you can only conclude that such a person has hardly read any Tamil literature by or about the LTTE, where the term is conspicuously absent actually. However, the term "Sun God" survives only because it continues to get bandied about in English by certain Indian reporters, D.B.S. Jeyaraj, Dayan Jayatillake, and the like. Similarly, Eelam is just a name, it does not mean "homeland", and actually, Eelam means "gold" and is the oldest existing name for the island. One who knows Tamil will understand the fine line that Malathy has to tread in her translations of certain Tamil terms because of the cultural context that they exist in, how ignorant so many are of that cultural context, and how easy it is for such terms to be misconstrued by propaganda writers. After all, in honour of Mohandas "Mahatma" Gandhi, the Tamil word for sunflower (sooriya poo) was renamed (!!) as sooriyakanthi poo (sun-Gandhi flower). Either Tamils in India and Ceylon have their own way of showing affection and reverence to their liberation heroes, or else Mahatma Gandhi, too, was a megalomaniacal tyrannical terrorist of his own people in India.

What Malathy's book does, through its brevity, is it opens up space for Tamils to follow in her footsteps in recording and preserving history. In her words, "My main motivation for writing this record, however, is the conviction that recording history is an important aspect of the survival of a people." If we imagine collecting together all of the memorabilia, photographs, videos, songs, speeches, and first-hand memories of Tamil Eelam, there would be encyclopedic amounts of materials from which to write several books on several topics. Of course, doing so would require many photocopies of the originals to be made and stashed around the world so that the Southern Lankan government could not irrevocably destroy them like they did by burning the Jaffna Library in 1981.

After reading the entirety of A Fleeting Moment in My Country, one gets the sense that the LTTE-run Tamil Eelam administration, despite its flaws, is by far the closest thing to a progressive, liberal Western European style society that South Asia has ever seen (except perhaps the 5,000-year old Indus Valley Civilisation) or ever will see in the future. If that sounds like an exaggeration, then you probably haven't read the book or don't know much about South Asia. Even for Tamils who have intimate first- or second-hand knowledge of the LTTE and its administration, this book illuminates just how proactive that Pirapaaharan was in ridding Tamil Eelam of caste, and how much cultural resistance he faced within his own advisory group in giving women equality within the LTTE. (TamilNet readers would know that the LTTE banned plastic bags in 2003, long before SL or places in Canada and the US. The restaurants founded by the LTTE political wing refused tipping, and the Tamil Eelam police could not be bribed.) The book also gives many details regarding the issue of child soldiers, as Malathy initially went to Vanni with the purpose of researching this herself. She gives many of the nuances around the issue, and shows exactly how vehement Thamilchelvan was in successfully solving the problem, despite the inconsistent, retroactively punitive stance maintained by INGO's. Much of the society was taken care of somehow by the LTTE, in spite of broken social bonds and SL resource embargoes, and perhaps that is why, as Malathy writes, there was an overconfidence by the Vanni civilians that everything would somehow end up okay when SL's scorched earth onslaught reached Kilinochchi in late 2008. The entirety of the book shows that her use of the word "country" in the title to describe the Tamil Eelam that she lived in is indeed appropriate. She acknowledges that her experience was only one slice of life where she lived, and she does not explain that the LTTE had a full conventional-style military including an army, navy, fledgling air wing, etc. What she does describe are the well-functioning laws, courts, police, clinics, tax system, banks, etc. Some existing countries we know lack even that much, although still missing from the picture of a proper democracy is a legislative branch of government, and the absence of peace voided any possibility of it. The picture that Malathy provides is complete enough, as it stands, for the reader to be heartbroken at the destruction caused by the end of the war. For regardless of political implications, it was not just the killing of tens (hundreds) of thousands of civilians and the destruction of the social fabric, but it was also the destruction of a full set of social institutions of which a country must be the guarantor. At the beginning of the chapter about the SL onslaught ending in Mullivaaykkaal, she writes, "Has there ever been such complete destruction of a country in history? The only reason why it is not seen as such is because my country was only in the minds of its people, but was not recognized by the global system of states."

But Malathy does not shy away from the negative aspects of the LTTE military administration. Despite the child soldier issue having its fuzziness, she does not hold back criticism of the military leaders of the LTTE who were lackadaisical or resistant to Thamilchelvan's insistence of no recruitment below the age of 17, or Nadesan's lackadaisical attitude after he assumed leadership of the political wing following Thamilchelvan's assassination. She does not hold back on details of the LTTE's actions, in 2009, in recruiting civilians to perform non-military tasks at the front-lines of the war and dying as a result. She does not hold back on the LTTE recruiting underage children to fight when the survivors were trapped in a few square miles of the beach in Mullivaaykkaal (where the SL military literally bombed half of everyone out of existence). These are issues that people who hold opinions will continue to dispute. New facts lead to clearer perspectives, especially when they've long been missing, and sorely so, in the public sphere.

Perhaps the simplest explanation of what LTTE-run Tamil Eelam could have been, is the Singapore of South Asia. The ingredients for making a Singapore-like Tamil Eelam already exist, and from Malathy's details, we can clearly see that progress was made in that direction, and deliberately so. The kind of practical, off-the-cuff problem solving that the LTTE used to fix shortcomings in their governance is like the iteration that is done by startups to address and fix 'market inefficiencies'. The LTTE was culturally biased towards taking action and implementing change much more than talking about it before, during, or afterwards -- a huge PR/marketing deficiency, it seems. Sadly, cultural biases were described by Malathy as one barrier for the LTTE to explain themselves, if anyone was even willing to listen then, as she analyses. Malathy writes in her second-to-last paragraph of the book,

Impressive social changes occurred in the Vanni under LTTE. What Gandhi, Ambedkhar, and Periyaar failed to achieve in India, the LTTE achieved in Vanni. The pervasive caste-consciousness of South Asia was eliminated. Vanni held the promise of progressive ideals for women in the society and of a government oriented toward the well being of the people. Infusing people with the spirit of struggle, it united them as one people. Indeed, it held the promise for many more social changes that would have benefited Tamils and perhaps even the whole of South Asia. This powerful example has now been destroyed. Even if an independent Tamil Eelam state is miraculously born in future, it will not bring back that hope and that promise that Vanni once held.

To conclude, I will only pick up on the last sentence in the paragraph quoted above. If Malathy is correct, that the hope and promise of Vanni cannot be recaptured ever again, then the future would be bleak, indeed. Any sort of restoration or improvement in Tamil society would take at least 1 generation, if not 2 or more. If an independent Tamil Eelam state did exist, then it would indeed be a long, hard struggle for social improvement. But such a struggle would have a good template of society to work towards, and given enough progressive thinking, innovation, and time, TE could begin to fix the problems that didn't have an opportunity to be addressed before 2009. When it comes to the ideal of living free and prosperously, the Eelam Tamil-speaking people have at least learned to never say never.
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News: Eelam Today... In Colombo, a family feud, in Vanni, no family at all!

Eelam Today... In Colombo, a family feud, in Vanni, no family at all!
by Pa. Thirumaavelan
Ananda Vikatan
2012.05.23

No matter how many flowers you plant to hide it, the stench from the edges of a cemetery never disappear. A 30-year land of war... 3 years before a land of death... today Eelam... a cemetery land!

No matter what magical object of mythical proportions from China, Russia, and Cuba that the Rajapakses bring over and sprinkle... the wails borne of blood that rise up in the middle of the night cannot be suppressed.
Everything not reaching the light appears like a Tiger to the frightened government. Only one person ever showed the Tiger flag, in the May Day parade, after which... rumblings in Colombo exploded like dynamite. (And there are people who call this is a government set-up!) It has become the daily work of the today's Ceylon government to figure out which Western countries are friends and which are enemies. Because Rajapakse passes the days worrying not about anyone including the Singhalese but being content only so long as his family is protected... in the last three years there has been no improvement whatsoever.

In the fourth year after the war ended, how are the Eelam politics, which are finding their feet?

Family War!

The factional fighting had already begun inside the oleander palace in Colombo to see who will be the next person to grab the next position after President Rajapakse. Gothabaya Rajapakse, who thought in the beginning that he needs to get the position next to his older brother, has now become quiet saying that the current taste of power is enough... the next brother and minister Basil Rajapakse has determined his own trajectory. But this is something that Mahinda Rajapakse's wife Siranthi does not like one bit. She insisted that the son is the one who should assume his father's title. This is how son Nimal Rajapakse became an M.P. Nimal, who stands in the forefront and continues to implement social programmes, is going to assume the responsibility of a minister of Ceylon within the next 2 months. In the war of "younger brother Basil? son Nimal?", who it is going to be will be known in one or two years.

Colonisation by Singhalese

It is because the North-East province is majority Tamil that we can talk about 'Tamil Eelam', right? Will it no longer be enough if Tamils are made to become the minority ethnicity? In the killing of Tamils, the population has decreased by 50%. Now, they're very hush-hush about the settlement of Singhalese in this area. In the areas where only 20 families existed, there are now 500 families.

Under the pretext of, "We're giving free homes to military soldiers," places for Singhalese soldiers are being handed out with blessings. The fisherman who come from Southern Lanka to fish... in just a few months had permanently settled in the Northeast Area. Tamils are not able to find their own homes and places. Because they were being constantly displaced, a lot of people do not have their land deeds. In total, everything is gone, and only Tamils are left remaining!

Everything is a Buddhist Centre!

Eelam - always a special holy site in Saivite religion. They have written about them a lot in the auspicious ancient literary works of the Saivite religion. After the war, attempts to make it a Buddhist land. Perhaps constructing new Buddhist temples, vihares is their right. But they're doing it doggedly with the attitude, "We're going to build only right next to Saiva temples." With several years of antiquity, the Thiruketheecharam auspicious temple is referred to as "Sivan-land". Very close to this temple, a statue of Buddha that weighs 1,500 kg is being built. Surrounding this village, there were 185 Tamil families. They blocked these families from resettling. Not only Kokki'laay, Kokkuththoduvaay... Everywhere in the Vanni region, the encroachment of the Buddhist religion and the ceremonious installations of statues of Buddha are happening abundantly!

A gun shot at the Muslims, too!

After finishing off the Tamils, Muslims' necks have been caught by the Singhalese. By saying, "Islam is also inimical to the Buddhist religion," an intense gaze is landing on them. That the front entrance of the Dambulla school was attacked is the beginning of this. During the time 20 years ago when Premadasa was Prime Minister, the decision was made that there should not be an Israeli embassy in Ceylon. Therefore, the ambassador for Ceylon worked out of India. Now, the Israeli ambassador is once again allowed to operate in Ceylon. This has made the Muslims become afraid. The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress has expressed its opposition to this. But it does not seem that Rajapakshe respected this.

No males; widows exist!

In Eelam, which has produced valour, now only widows remain. All around, there are fertile lands... There is a tradition among the people who live in those areas to build a house in the middle of those lands. As if the lands have become flattened to the ground, so too have their lives become. As youngsters get killed in the same way as Tigers... senior citizens' lives are ended by bombs... what remains is only women. People with a little bit of means gave money to the SL Army and escaped. Since the only companions of the remaining people are a threatening environment and un-nutritious food, there is no strength in their bodies and only a windpipe functions. Because there is not enough nutritional value, that the students who go to school to study cannot sit and faint is a hardship that is bitter even just to hear.

Not refugees; slaves!

With the word "refugee", there are certain rights and many needs associated. But Eelam Tamils have none of that. Tamils are treated more lowly and humiliatingly than helpless serfs. For the people who have been sent from the refugee camps to "live" in the towns, the government promise was, "We'll give 12 roofing sheets, one or two tarpaulins, and wooden staffs" Before they will receive this, many will end up at the height of agony. Because they don't know which one their land is, the state of things is that food comes only if they take any sort of daily wage labour job and receive their wage every single day. Can't open a shop. The Army harasses and threatens. You can go work for a Singhalese shop. Or you can go in the street, spread a straw mat on the ground, and sell whatever you can. That is the situation. Because they are 10 feet away from the SL army's eyes (kangal) and guns ("gun"gal), Tamils cannot do anything, unless it is to lie down and lay there.

Development for whom?

"I am drawing up plans to develop the Tamil areas," Rajapakse continues to say without laughing. But, the truth is that these developments do not benefit the Tamil person. They are putting roads in every place. This is development. Jaffna University Economics Department Chair Vi. Pi. Sivanathan, "Roads are being built in order to distribute power. Operations to transport military hardware here are also a part of this. These are useful for the business magnates in the South to come here and take things away. Because they do not know the price seafood, fishermen have to sell to Southern Lankan business owners. This is to say, because of this development, we have lost very much," said in an interview. "All of the foreign money that is being brought in by the government for the sake of development ends up getting re-routed, in one way or another, to Southern Lanka," is his accusation.

A small sphere in the world's grasp

Eelam is a small sphere that lays in the water trough of the world, and the only consolation is that everything that happens in Eelam reaches the attention of the world's countries play-by-play. Rajapakse's first difficulty is the U.N.'s decision to fully investigate the Eelam brutality. "We will do the investigation ourselves," he said, creating his own group... He gave his own report as a good kid. As soon as the question was raised in Geneva, "Based on that report, what actions have you taken?" maybe such a commission should not be formed is an idea that formed in Rajapakse's mind. The U.N. forum has given a deadline of October. From what wellness plans for Tamils and affected peoples have been completed... all the way to what punishment has been given to the criminals... Rajapakse is in the tight spot of having to give an answer. Only 5 months for the duration of that.

At least in October, will the U.N. take actions that will let the souls of the dead attain peace?



ஈழம் இன்று..!கொழும்பில் குடும்பச் சண்டை! வன்னியில் குடும்பமே இல்லை!
ப.திருமாவேலன்

எத்தனை பூச்செடிகள் வைத்து மறைத்தாலும், மயானக் கரை நாற்றம் மறையாது. 30 ஆண்டு களாக யுத்
த பூமி... 3 ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன் மரண பூமி... இன்று ஈழம்... மயான பூமி!
சீனத்து சென்ட், ரஷ்ய அத்தர், கியூபா ஜவ்வாது என எதைக் கொண்டுவந்து ராஜபக்ஷேக்கள் தெளித்தாலும்... நள்ளிர வில் எழும் ரத்த ஓலங்களைக் கட்டுப்படுத்த முடியவில்லை.

அரண்டுகிடக்கும் அரசாங்கத்துக்கு இருண்டதெல்லாம் புலியாகத் தெரிகிறது. ஒரே ஒரு ஆள் புலிக் கொடியை, மே தின ஊர்வலத்தில் காட்ட... கொழும்பில் வெடி வெடித்த அளவுக்குக் குமுறல்கள். (இதை அரசாங்கத்தின் செட்- அப் என்று சொல்பவர்களும் உண்டு! ) உலக நாடுகளில் எது நண்பன், எது எதிரி என்பதைக் கண்டுபிடிப்பது மட்டுமே இன்றைய இலங்கை அரசாங்கத்தின் வேலையாகிவிட்டது. சிங்களவர் உட்பட எவரைப் பற்றிய கவலையும் இல்லாமல், தன் குடும்பம் காப்பாற்றப்பட்டால் போதும் என்ற நினைப்புடன் ராஜபக்ஷே நாட்களைக் கழித்ததால்... கடந்த மூன்று ஆண்டுகளில் எந்த முன்னேற்றமும் இல்லை.

போர் முடிந்து நான்காவது ஆண்டில் அடியெடுத்துவைக்கும் ஈழ அரசியல் எப்படி இருக்கிறது?

குடும்ப யுத்தம்!

ஜனாதிபதி ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு அடுத்த இடத்தை யார் பிடிப்பது என்ற கோஷ்டி யுத்தம் கொழும்பு அலரி மாளிகைக்கு உள்ளே தொடங்கிவிட்டது. அண்ணனுக்கு அடுத்த இடத்துக்கு வர வேண்டும் என்று ஆரம்பத்தில் நினைத்த கோத்தபய ராஜபக்ஷே, இன்றைய அதிகார ருசியே போதும் என அமைதியாகிவிட... அடுத்த தம்பியும் அமைச்சருமான பசில் ராஜபக்ஷே தனது இலக்கைத் தீர்மானித்துவிட்டார். ஆனால், இது மகிந்த ராஜபக்ஷேவின் மனைவி சிராந்திக்குக் கொஞ்ச மும் பிடிக்கவில்லை. அப்பாவின் பட்டத்தை மகன்தான் ஏற்க வேண்டும் என்று பிடி வாதம் பிடித்தார். மகன் நிமல் ராஜபக்ஷே, எம்.பி. ஆனது இப்படித்தான். சமூக சேவைக் காரியங்களை முன்னின்று செயல்படுத்திவரும் நிமல், இன்னும் இரண்டு மாதங்களில் இலங்கையில் அமைச்சராகவும் பொறுப்பேற்கப்போகிறார். தம்பி பசிலா; மகன் நிமலா என்ற யுத்தத்தில், இருக்கப்போவது யார் என்று இரண்டொரு ஆண்டுகளில் தெரிந்துவிடும்.

சிங்களவர் குடியேற்றம்!

வடக்கு, கிழக்கு மாகாணத்தில் தமிழர் பெரும்பான்மையாக இருந்தால்தானே 'தமிழ் ஈழம்’ என்றெல்லாம் பேச முடியும்? இந்தப் பகுதியில் தமிழர்களைச் சிறு பான்மையினர் ஆக்கிவிட்டால் போதாதா? தமிழர்களைக் கொன்றதில் பாதி சதவிகிதம் குறைந்தது. இப்போது இந்தப் பகுதியில் சிங்களவர்களைக் குடியேற்றுவதில் மும்முர மாக உள்ளார்கள். 20 சிங்களக் குடும்பங்கள் இருந்த பகுதிகளில் இப்போது 500 குடும் பங்கள் உள்ளன.

'ராணுவ வீரர்களுக்கு இலவசமாகக் கொடுக்கிறோம்’ என்ற பெயரில் சிங்கள வீரர்களுக்கு இடங்கள் தாரை வார்க்கப் படுகின்றன. இதைவைத்துக் குடும்பம் குடும்பமாகக் குடியேறுகிறார்கள். தெற்கு இலங்கையில் இருந்து மீன் பிடிப்பதற்காக வரும் சிங்கள மீனவர்கள்... ஒரு சில மாதங்களில் வட கிழக்குப் பகுதியில் நிரந்தரமாகத் தங்கிவிட்டார்கள். தமிழர்கள் தங்களது நிலங்களைக் கண்டுபிடிக்கவும் முடியவில்லை. இடம்பெயர்ந்துகொண்டே இருந்ததால் பலரிடம் நிலப் பத்திரங்களும் இல்லை. மொத்தத்தில் எல்லாமே தொலைந்துபோய் நிற்கிறான் தமிழன்!

சர்வம் புத்தமயம்!

ஈழம் - எப்போதும் சைவத் திருத்தலம். சைவத்துக்கு அவர்கள் அருளிய இலக்கியங் களே அவ்வளவு இருக்கும். யுத்தத்துக்குப் பிறகு புத்த பூமியாக ஆக்க முயற்சித்தார்கள். புதிய புத்த கோயில்கள், விகாரைகள் எழுப்புவதுகூட அவர்கள் உரிமையாக இருக்கலாம். ஆனால், சைவத் தலங்களுக்குப் பக்கத்தில்தான் அமைப்போம் என்று அடம்பிடித்துச் செய்கிறார்கள். பலஆண்டு பழமையான திருக்கேதீச்சரம் திருக்கோயில், சிவபூமி என்று அழைக்கப்படும். இந்தக் கோயிலுக்கு அருகில் 1,500 கிலோ எடை கொண்ட புத்தர் சிலை அமைக்கப்படுகிறது. இந்த கிராமத்தைச் சுற்றி 185 தமிழ்க் குடும் பங்கள் இருந்தன. அவர்களைக் குடியேற விடாமல் தடுத்தார்கள். கொக்கிளாய், கொக்குத் தொடுவாய் மட்டும் அல்ல... வன்னிப் பிரதேசம் எங்குமே பௌத்த மதத்தின் ஆக்கிரமிப்பும் புத்த சிலைகளின் பிரதிஷ்டைகளும் தாராளமாக நடக்கின்றன!

முஸ்லிம்களுக்கும் வேட்டு!

தமிழர்களை முடித்த பிறகு, முஸ்லிம்களின் கழுத்து சிங்களவர்களிடம் சிக்கியுள்ளது. புத்த மதத்துக்கு இஸ்லாமும் எதிரானதே என்று சொல்லி, இப்போது அவர்கள் மீது பார்வை பதிந்துள்ளது. தம்புள்ளை பள்ளிவாசல் சமீபத்தில் தாக்கப்பட்டது இதற்கான தொடக்கம். 20 ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன் பிரேமதாசா பிரதம ராக இருந்த காலத்தில், இலங்கையில் இஸ்ரேல் தூதரகம் இருக்கக் கூடாது என முடிவு எடுக்கப்பட்டது. அதனால், இந்தியா வில் இருந்து இலங்கைக்கான இஸ்ரேல் தூதர் இயங்கினார். இப்போது மறுபடியும் இஸ்ரேல் தூதர் இலங்கையில் இயங்க அனுமதிக்கப்பட்டு இருக்கிறார். இது முஸ்லிம்களை அச்சப்படவைத்துள்ளது. ஸ்ரீலங்கா முஸ்லிம் காங்கிரஸ் இதற்குத் தனது எதிர்ப்பைத் தெரிவித்து உள்ளது. ஆனால், அதனை ராஜபக்ஷே மதித்ததாகத் தெரியவில்லை.

ஆண்கள் இல்லை; விதவைகள் உண்டு!

வீரம் விளைந்த ஈழத்தில் இப்போது விதவைகள் மட்டுமே உண்டு. சுற்றிலும் விளைநிலங்கள் இருக்க... நடுவில் வீடு அமைத்து வாழும் வழக்கம் அந்தப் பகுதி மக்களுக்கு உண்டு. நிலங்கள் தரைமட்டம் ஆனதுபோலவே மக்கள் வாழ்க்கையும் ஆனது. இளைஞர்கள் புலிகளாகக் கொல்லப்பட... முதியவர்கள் குண்டுகளால் தீர்க்கப்பட... எஞ்சியது பெண்கள் மட்டுமே. கொஞ்சம் வசதியானவர்கள் ராணுவத்துக்குப் பணம் கொடுத்துத் தப்பிவிட்டார்கள். மிச்சம் இருப்பவர்களுக்கு, அச்சுறுத்தும் சூழ்நிலையும் ஆரோக்கியமற்ற உணவும் மட்டுமே துணையிருப்பதால், உடம்பில் எந்தத் தெம்பும் இல்லாமல் மூச்சுக் குழாய் மட்டுமே இயங்குகிறது. போதிய ஊட்டச் சத்து இல்லாததால், பள்ளிக்கூடத்துக்குப் படிக்கப்போன பிள்ளைகள் உட்கார முடியாமல் மயங்கி விழும் கொடுமையைக் கேட்கவே கசக்கிறது.

அகதிகள் அல்ல; அடிமைகள்!

அகதி என்ற வார்த்தைக்குச் சில உரிமைகளும் பல தேவைகளும் கிடைக்கும். ஆனால், ஈழத் தமிழனுக்கு எதுவும் இல்லை. கொத்தடிமைகளைவிடக் கேவலமான இழி அடிமைகளாக நடத்தப்படு கிறான். அகதி முகாமில் இருந்து ஊருக்குள் 'வாழ’ அனுப்பிவைக்கப்பட்ட மக்களுக்கு 12 கூரைத் தகடுகள், ஒன்றிரண்டு தார்ப் பாய்கள், மரக் கழிகள் வழங்குவோம் என்பது அரசாங்கத்தின் வாக்குறுதி. இதை வாங்குவதற்குள் பலரும் அவஸ்தையின் உச்சத்துக்குச் சென்றுவிடுவார்கள். தங்கள் நிலம் எது எனத் தெரியாததால், ஏதாவது கூலி வேலைக்குச் சென்று தினமும் கூலி வாங்கினால்தான் சாப்பாடு என்ற நிலை. கடைகள் போட முடியாது. ராணுவம் மிரட்டுகிறது. சிங்களக் கடைக்கு வேலைக் குப் போகலாம். அல்லது தெருவில் பாய் விரித்து எதையாவது விற்கலாம் என்பதே நிலைமை. பத்தடி தூரத்துக்கு ராணுவக் கண்களும் 'கன்’களும் இருப்பதால் தமிழ னால் எதுவுமே செய்ய முடியாது, படுத்துக் கிடப்பதைத் தவிர.

வளர்ச்சி யாருக்காக?

''தமிழ்ப் பகுதிகளை வளர்க்கத் திட்டம் போடுகிறேன்'' என்பது ராஜபக்ஷே சிரிக்காமல் சொல்லிவருவது. ஆனால், இந்த வளர்ச்சிகள் தமிழனுக்குப் பயன்படவில்லை என்பதுதான் உண்மை. எல்லா இடங்களி லும் சாலைகள் போடுகிறார்கள். இதுதான் வளர்ச்சி. யாழ்ப்பாணம் பல்கலைக் கழகத்தின் பொருளியல் துறைத் தலைவர் பேராசிரியர் வி.பி.சிவநாதன், ''அதிகாரத் தினை விரைவாகப் பிரயோகிக்கவே வீதிகள் அமைக்கப்படுகின்றன. ராணுவத் தளவாடங்களை இங்கு கொண்டுவருவ தற்கான நடவடிக்கைகளும் இதில் உண்டு. தெற்கில் உள்ள பெருமுதலாளிகள் இங்கு வந்து பொருட்களை எடுத்துச் செல்ல இவை பயன்படுகின்றன. கடல் உணவு களின் விலை என்னவென்று தெரியாமல், மீனவர்கள் தென்னிலங்கை முதலாளி களிடம் விற்றுவிட வேண்டி உள்ளது. எனவே, இந்த அபிவிருத்தியால் நாம் இழந்ததே அதிகம்'' என்று ஒரு பேட்டியில் கூறியுள்ளார். ''அபிவிருத்திக்காக அரசாங் கத்தினால் கொண்டுவரப்பட்ட வெளி நாட்டுப் பணம் ஏதோ ஒரு வகையில் தென்னிலங்கைக்கே திரும்பிச் செல்கிறது'' என்பதும் இவரது குற்றச்சாட்டு.

உலகின் பிடியில் சிறு உருண்டை!

உலகத் தண்ணீர்த் தொட்டிக்குள் சிறு உருண்டையாகக் கிடக்கும் ஈழத்தில் நடப் பது உடனுக்குடன் உலக நாடுகளின் கவனத்துக்குச் சென்றுவிடுவதுதான் ஆறுத லான ஒரே விஷயம். ஈழக் கொடூரத்தை முழுமையாக விசாரிக்க ஐ.நா. மூவர் குழு அமைக்க முடிவெடுத்தது ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு முதல் நெருக்கடி. 'நாங்களே விசாரணை செய்கிறோம்’ என்று அவரே ஒரு குழு அமைத்து... நல்ல பிள்ளையாக அறிக்கையும் கொடுத்துக்கொண்டார். 'அந்த அறிக்கையின் மீது என்ன நடவடிக்கை எடுத்தாய்?’ என்று ஜெனீவா கேள்வி கேட்டதும்தான், இப்படி ஒரு விசாரணை கமிஷன் அமைத்திருக்க வேண்டாமோ என்ற சிந்தனையை ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு விதைத்தது. ஐ.நா. மன்றம் அக்டோபர் மாதம் வரை கெடு கொடுத்துள்ளது. தமிழர்களுக்கு, பாதிக்கப்பட்ட மக்களுக்கு என்ன நலத் திட்டங்கள் செய்யப்பட்டன என்பது முதல்... குற்றவாளிகளுக்கு எந்த மாதிரியான தண்டனை தரப்பட்டது என்பது வரை... பதில் சொல்ல வேண்டிய நெருக்கடி ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு உண்டு. அதற்கான அவகாசம் ஐந்து மாதங்கள்தான்.

இறந்தவர் ஆத்மா சாந்தி அடையும் நடவடிக்கையை அக்டோபரிலாவது ஐ.நா. எடுக்குமா?

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News: R. Sampanthan's speech at 14th ITAK convention

Speech at 14th ITAK Convention
by Mr. R. Sampanthan, MP, Batticaola, May 28, 2012

Mr. Sampanthan’s speech at the 14th Annual ITAK convention ( May 2012) – English translation

My greetings to all respected delegates of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi

I sincerely welcome you all - the life and vitality of our party – to our National Convention here in Batticaloa.

As those in service to the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, which has become the political symbol of the Tamil Nation, with its own political culture and ideals, we are proud to gather here for its 14th National Convention in the year 2012.

We are gathered here in hope and expectation, in circumstances never before experienced since Sri Lanka is said to have gained independence, 60 years ago.

We are gathered here as the single most recognized political organization both here and abroad, which embodies the political aspirations of the Tamil people.

We remember upto hundred thousand of our people who have been killed, merely for demanding the fundamental rights that belonged to them, and for the legitimate rights of self determination and governance.

We remember the Tamil youth who sacrificed their lives in armed struggle, which they resorted to on the failure of their peaceful struggle for the political rights and freedoms of their people.

We gather here following our victory in the passage of the recent Resolution at the UN Human Rights Council, a condemnation against the Sri Lankan government by the international community, which has recognized that the Sri Lankan government has committed the crime of extermination against our people, and that it continues to deny them their political rights.

Respected delegates,

The Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi was created by S.J.V. Chelvanayagam, the father of Tamil Nation, for the purpose of establishing self determination of the Tamil people on this island.

This objective is evident in both the name of the party and in the manner in which it operates.

This objective is also based on the history of our people. The Tamil people do not only have distinct social and cultural norms, but, in times past, were even economically self sufficient.

Upto 500 years ago, the Tamil people established their own governments, and governed themselves. Our party symbolizes a time in history, until the entire country was, for administrative convenience, ruled as one Nation by colonial powers, during which our people had their own sovereign Tamil governments.

The symbol of our party chosen for us by our founder – the House – also symbolizes this. This House is the Home of our community; our community’s historical habitat; our community’s sovereignty. Our fundamental objective is to regain our community’s Home, its historical habitat and its sovereignty. The symbol of the House symbolizes this unshakeable aim.

In the same way that, 6 decades ago, history saw the political origins of our party, 10 years ago history saw the emergence of a political vessel appropriate to the freedom struggle of our people during that time. This is the vessel that has assumed leadership of Tamil political parties that have, based on their common values, united under the umbrella of the Tamil National Alliance. This vessel of leadership has been shaped by our party’s unique history and tradition.
It is the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi that is the leader of this new Alliance, and that is how it will always be seen in the future.

Following the end of the armed conflict today, it is those of us in the Tamil National Alliance, led by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, who primarily represent the Tamil people. We are the single largest party elected by the Tamil people with certainty, courage, and strength, in an environment of absolute militarization, under the rule of the Sri Lankan government, in the midst of innumerable pressures. Thus, we are now the legitimate representatives of the Tamil people. Further, it is to the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, which does not have any history of armed struggle, which has always rejected such struggle, which has a longtime democratic tradition, which has always put forward realistic proposals, that the international community has given the most recognition. This recognition has now grown to include the Tamil National Alliance as well.

My dear friends,

The struggle for the political rights of the Tamil nation has now entered an entirely new chapter. It is our responsibility as leaders of the party, leading this struggle in this new era, to explain to you, our supporters, and to the Tamil people, who have elected us as their representatives, the policy of our party.

The 30 years following Sri Lanka’s independence in 1958 were, for the Tamil people, filled with betrayal and humiliation. Agreements with the Tamil people and promises made to the Tamil people were broken. Constitutional amendments were brought in, rejecting the right of Tamil people to live as equals in Sri Lanka. The peaceful struggle of the Tamil people seeking justice was brutally quenched by armed violence.

What clearly emerged during this time of degradation of the Tamil people was that the Tamil community lacked a source of power – both from within and outside it. Following this history of humiliation and betrayal, a position emerged that the only solution to this problem was the establishment of a separate government for the Tamil people. It was on this basis that the Tamil United Liberation Front, of which our party was a member, took the historical decision to establish the separate government of Tamil Eelam in 1976. Based on this decision of our party,
and the need to place ourselves in a position of strength, Tamil youth decided to oppose violence with violence and began to rise up as armed rebel groups.

Historically, it was the violence against the Tamil people that drove them to take up violence themselves. When peaceful struggle was consistently and brutally quenched by violent means, Tamil youth were forced to resort to violence.

Frustrated by the inability to achieve anything by peaceful means, Tamil youth were driven to resort to armed struggle.

The 30 years of violent political struggle starting from the 1980s is a deep-rooted chapter in the history of the Tamil people. This chapter of blood, tears, courage, despair and great destruction achieved two things:

One was the rapid growth of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, which became a great force within the Tamil community. The other was the intervention of India, which, together with all its weaknesses, was a potential source of power from outside the Tamil community.

The intervention of India was an inevitable chapter in the history of our political struggle. The intervention of India has clearly taught us the lesson that whatever our aspirations may be, India will never welcome a political solution in Sri Lanka that does not accord with the interests of India. However, using the intervention of India to our benefit, together with its assistance and blessing, we grasped an opportunity to arrive at a political solution that would enable us to live with dignity within a united Sri Lanka.

Looking beyond our opinions concerning the matter, the intervention of India was historically inevitable. The political and diplomatic means of using this opportunity for either our benefit or our detriment lay in our hands. Despite the great force within our people, achieving Tamil Eelam was becoming an increasingly unrealistic goal. Thus, instead of sacrificing more lives to this cause, our party, with the help of India, began supporting a solution that allowed the Tamil people to live within a united Sri Lanka without compromising their fundamental rights.

The struggle of our people for the past 60 years, by both peaceful and violent means, has taught us many lessons. It has brought us closer together as a community. The price we have paid for these lessons may be high, however, they will prove to be foundation stones for the next steps of our journey towards a bright political future for our community. A most important lesson we have learnt from the past 60 years – particularly from the past 30 years of violent
conflict – is that we should act strategically, with the awareness that global powers will act based on their domestic interests.

The rise and fall of the LTTE taught us that regardless of how strong such a movement may be, or how just its demands may be, it is not realistic for the Tamil people to resort to violent political struggle. Further, a struggle that runs counter to the values of the international community, built only on military might, will not prevail. It is for this reason, that in the new environment created by various global influences, we have, together with the support and assistance of the international community, found new ways of continuing with our struggle.

There is no need for fear that the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi has strayed from the objectives and aspirations of its forefathers, or that it will lead the Tamil National Alliance down the wrong path. With the destruction of their bargaining might, the Tamil people stood destitute, unable any longer to effectively engage in negotiations toward a political solution, and faced with a dark future. Today, the only hope it has is the interest and involvement of the international
community in the reasonable demands on which our struggle is based. It is this that stands as a force for us, from outside our community, today. We must not forget the lesson history taught us, of the difference of opinion we had with India that not only caused it to distance itself from us for the past 20 years, but even caused it to work against us. We want to ensure that we do not act such a manner again, and thus alienate ourselves from the international community.

The softening of our stance concerning certain issues, and the compromise we show in other issues, are diplomatic strategies to ensure that we do not alienate the international community.

They are not indications that we have abandoned our fundamental objectives.

Respected delegates,

Our expectation for a solution to the ethnic problem of the sovereignty of the Tamil people is based on a political structure outside that of a unitary government, in a united Sri Lanka in which Tamil people have all the powers of government needed to live with self respect and self sufficiency. We believe that only within such a structure of government can the Tamil people truly enjoy the right to internal self-determination that is their inalienable right.

The position that the North and East of Sri Lanka are the areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people cannot be compromised in this structure of government. We must have unrestricted authority to govern our own land, protect our own people, and develop our own economy, culture and tradition. Powers must be allocated under this structure based on the understanding that meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution passed in 1987. This position has been accepted by our party. Our acceptance of
this position does not mean that we consider the 13 th Amendment to be an acceptable solution, nor that, in the event our right to internal self determination is continuously denied, we will not claim our right under international law to external self determination. It only means that this is the only realistic solution today.

The above solution is also one that is likely to be acceptable to members of the international community including India and the United States, whose support and assistance is necessary in order for us to succeed in our struggle for political autonomy today.

Further, since the thinking today is that whatever political solution that is arrived at must be one within a united Sri Lanka, the above solution is one that those in Sri Lanka cannot oppose as unreasonable.

Any solution to the ethnic problem concerning the sovereignty of the Tamil people must also be acceptable to the Muslim community in Sri Lanka. The structure of government in Sri Lanka must also allow the Muslim community to fulfill their social, economic and political aspirations.

The leaders of this country must wholeheartedly come forward to arrive at a solution that will enable the Tamil speaking peoples of Sri Lanka to achieve their civil, political, economic, social and cultural aspirations. This solution should constitutionally entrench the legal right of the Tamil speaking peoples of this country to take democratic decisions relating to their political aspirations.

My greatly respected friends,

Now is the time to be patient.

The world has recognized that the Tamil people have faced continuous political persecution, and that this persecution has begun to manifest itself in new ways in recent times. The world has recognized that great destruction took place during the final phase of the war. The international community that supported the government diplomatically and militarily during the war, has now begun to exert pressure on the Sri Lankan government to fulfill the promises it made to them. This includes the promise to arrive at a political solution acceptable to the
Tamil people on the conclusion of the war. Exasperated by the failure of the Sri Lankan government to fulfill its promises three years after the conclusion of the war, the international community has begun to exert diplomatic pressure on the government.

Now is the time to be patient.

During this time, in which the international community is greatly involved in the ethnic problem involving the Tamil people, we must work in co-operation with them; we must consider their advice to us, and we must give advice to them.

If we behave in a manner that results in the international community getting embroiled in problems or controversy it is our community that will face the consequences. Our priority now is to expose the Sri Lankan government that for so many years in the past attempted to describe the ethnic problem and a ‘terrorist problem’. We must clearly prove to the international community that the Sri Lankan government, which has delayed for so long in giving the Tamil people their rights, has never made any genuine effort to do so. In other words
– we must prove to the international community that we will never be able to realize our rights within a united Sri Lanka. We must be patient until the international community realizes for itself that the effort we are involved in is doomed to fail. To put it more strongly, the international community must realize through its own experience, without us having to tell them, that the racist Sri Lankan government will never come forward and give political power to the Tamil people in a united Sri Lanka.

Until then, we must be patient.

The world does not revolve around the axis of justice. The freedom struggles of persecuted communities are not measured on the scales of justice. Global powers that preach of Democracy and Human Rights are themselves not the epitome of justice. We do not expect governments around the world and international organizations that support them to take pity on us, sacrifice their interests, and ensure that our rights are given to us. However, it is true that in recent times we have seen that the global community has not always been silent concerning serious human rights violations. Thus, if we can place ourselves at the point of
convergence between the national interests and human rights convictions of members of the international community, our rights too may be protected. We must continue to preserve a suitable environment for this to take place. We must act with caution and be careful not to do anything to disturb conditions favourable to us or to put the international community into a difficult position concerning this issue.

For this, we must be patient.

The international practice prevalent during the mid eighties, when the intervention of India occurred, has now changed. Although the issue at hand is the same, the prevailing conditions are different. The struggle is the same, but the approaches we employ are different. Our aim is the same, but our strategies are different. The players are the same, but the alliances are different. That is the nature of the Tamil people. Although we still have the same aim, the methods we use are now different. In the past the United States and India stood against us.

However in the favourable circumstances that have now come about, the United States and India are to a great extent supporting our position. The Sri Lankan government continues to maintain friendships with those standing against them. India’s vote in support of the Resolution presented by the United States at the UN Human Rights Council was a astonishing international development in our favour. This can only be seen as indication of future developments.

My respected friends. The current practices of the international community may give us an opportunity to achieve, without the loss of life, the soaring aspirations we were unable to achieve by armed force.

Because of this, we must be patient.

The strength of those of us in the Tamil National Alliance, led by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, is that we have been democratically elected. Our people elected us as their representatives in elections that were conducted legally, in a fair manner. We are a great political organization, that has received an immense source of support – that of the people. It is for this reason that the international community too respects our political actions, and gives us the recognition that is our due. However, if the world begins to perceive us to be extremist, or too rigid, or if they
believe that we have a hidden agenda to reignite violence, we will soon be ostracized from the diplomatic exercises in progress. We must show great care in our words and actions.

And so – we must be patient.

It is true that the 30 year long war greatly crippled the development of livelihoods in our community. It is also true that this war pushed our economic development back several decades. It is even true that the merciless war forced our people into a position where their daily existence has become a struggle.

It is true that a duty lies with us all to rescue ourselves, our community and our people from this agony, to uplift them an acceptable standard of living. But, my dear friends, we must not for this reason fall into the trap of the so called development being brought about by the Sri Lankan government. It is a devious trap to undermine the very existence of the Tamil people as a community. It is a death trap.

The Sri Lankan government is averse to our involvement in the rehabilitation of our people. It has not examined our proposals concerning our involvement in the reconstruction activities for our people. The Sri Lankan government has denied us our right to participate in schemes for the development of livelihoods of the very people we represent. This government is attempting to change the demographic composition of the traditional Tamil homeland, as part of its deceitful scheme to undermine the existence of the Tamil Nation. It is for this reason that we must take care not to, in our eagerness and haste to rescue our people from their suffering, fall into this trap. We must act with wisdom and caution.

However, an environment in which we may fulfill our duties is slowly coming into existence. The intervention of the international community and the pressure being exerted upon the Sri Lankan government will oblige the government to include us in the efforts being made to assistour people. Inevitably, the Sri Lankan government will eventually be forced to include our participation in schemes being implemented for the economic development of our people.

However, until then, we must be patient.

Our patience however, will not be everlasting. Our patience too, has its limits. Once we have reached that limit, we will move onto the stage of our effort. We will not hesitate to gather our people together and with the support of progressive forces in our country, and the international community, even engage in a non-violent struggle. We will decide on specific deadlines and when the time comes for such action, we will act.

However, before we implement this plan of action, as we wholeheartedly attempt to arrive at a political solution, we must give adequate time to all the powers involved in the ethnic crisis to arrive at an acceptable solution. To allow this to take place, we must be patient. Being patient is in itself, a powerful diplomatic strategy.

My dear delegates,

On behalf of those of us, the legitimate representative of the Tamil people, gathered here, I wish to clearly explain our position to the Sinhala people, the Rajapakse government, and the international community.

Dear Sinhala friends,

Our political aspiration to acquire the rights due to us, and the right to govern our civil, political, economic, social and cultural affairs ourselves is a reasonable demand. It is a just aspiration; an aspiration that has its roots in history; it is even a fundamental right of our people. The solution we propose for the achievement of our political aspiration will not undermine the sovereignty
of another people. It does not hide a devious agenda seeking to divide the country. It does not seek to damage the interests of another country. We appeal to you to understand the fundamental issue which is that just as you live in this country, in your traditional homeland, using the authority due to you, we too want to live in this country, in our traditional homeland with the authority due to us. You must thus reject policies that instigate ethnic division and hatred for the sake of personal political gain, understand and recognize the reasonable political
aspirations of the Tamil people, embrace them as brothers, and come forth to live in harmony in a united Sri Lanka.

However, the present Sri Lankan government does not have the political will to arrive at a concrete solution for the problems of the Tamil people. To the contrary, they are resorting to cunning plots to delay, avoid, and altogether abandon efforts to arrive at such a solution. The actions of the Rajapakse regime are all dishonest, immature and obtuse, and will only further entrench ethnic divisions. If this government continues to stubbornly cling onto this corrupt stance, it only means that it will result in degeneration the like of which this country has never
seen before. I state clearly that unless this government makes the proper use of this final opportunity to arrive at a solution for the problems of the Tamil people, and wholeheartedly unites with us, this country will have to face one of the worst declines in its history.

We have clearly asked for a solution within a united Sri Lanka, and we are committed to the achievement of such a goal. This solution must be reasonable, acceptable, realistic, and permanent. We are prepared to offer our cooperation and service to those committed to the achievement of such a solution.

I think it is appropriate to deliver this message to the Sinhala people in this gathering, on behalf of all of us who are representatives of the Tamil people.

Although we are deeply disappointed that the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the President places no emphasis on accountability relating to the manner in which the war was conducted, we feel that this report does contain some concrete recommendations. They are a guide to the achievement of true reconciliation and harmony.

The Commission made several recommendations for the achievement of ethnic harmony, including specifically, the need to reduce military presence in civilian areas, to return to people the lands that belong to them, investigations into human rights violations, the release of those being kept in detention and most importantly, promptly arriving at a political solution that includes maximum devolution of power. We ask that the government implement these
recommendations made by the Commission that it appointed itself. The government must, instead of always merely making promises, begin to act in a speedy and transparent manner.

The 30 year war uprooted hundreds of thousands of people from their homes.

While some of them left this country, today, 3 years after the war many thousands are still displaced, living as refugees in this country. The government should take immediate steps to resettle these people back in their homes. Speedy action must be of taken to resettle the people of Valikamam, Jaffna and Sampur, Trincomalee. The Sri Lankan government should accept and respect the
fundamental right of people to live in their own homes, and act with responsibility in this regard. The international community should pay more attention to this issue, and facilitate processes for the government to better fulfill their responsibility in this regard.

Many Tamil youth are in Sri Lankan prisons, with no hope for their future. While there are those who, three years after the war, have not been released and are still in detention, there are many who were captured and imprisoned after the war. These include those were captured by the military forces and those who surrendered themselves to the forces. Some have been charged, but as their cases have not yet been concluded they remain in detention for indefinite periods of time. There is no clear information regarding large numbers of those captured and those who surrendered themselves – secrecy surrounds their detention.

The parents and families of these youth suffer great agony over their plight. The Tamil people themselves share in this agony. The treatment of these youth reopens old wounds, instead of attempting to heal them. We have repeatedly raised this issue with the government, but have received no concrete response. Not one promise that has been made to us in this regard has been fulfilled. The government must take speedy action with regard to this issue. It must reveal
the truth regarding those arrested to their relatives; It must release detainees; it must understand that arriving at a concrete solution in this regard is essential for true reconciliation.

We thus strongly urge the Sri Lankan government to act sincerely in this regard and take steps to release all Tamil political prisoners.

I would also like to place frank emphasis on certain things that the global community must understand.

Including all those killed during the war, upto those killed during the final battle in 2009, several tens of thousands of innocent Tamils have been killed as a result of the war. It is thought that the way in which the war was conducted, and other incidents relating to the war, violated both International Human Rights law and International Humanitarian law. It has now been accepted internationally that a transparent, independent and proper investigations must take place to determine the truth of the manner in which the war was conducted.

The Panel of Experts appointed by the UN Secretary General also recommended such an investigation. Further, the Resolution passed at the recent UN Human Rights Council also emphasized on the government’s responsibility in this regard. Our position too, is that an inquiry should be conducted into the violations of International Human Rights law and International Humanitarian law during the war that is now over, in accordance with standards of International Human Rights law and International Humanitarian law. This is because we believe that an independent, transparent, legitimate investigation that is capable of determining the truth of what took place, which is acceptable to all parties involved and which
holds the respective parties responsible, is indispensable not only for the Rule of law in this country, but also for peace, harmony and reconciliation.

This is the final opportunity to bring lasting peace to this country. Countries that believe that lasting peace in Sri Lanka is in their local and international interests, must use this final opportunity that is now within their reach. History has taught us lessons through our non violent struggles for reasonable political demands that were all quenched by violence. The long history of violent suppression in 1956, 58, 61, 77, 81 and 83 made way for the war, which continued until 2009.

Once again the Tamil people fear that as we again begin our non violent struggle for our political rights, an environment is being created for such struggle to be quelled by violent means. All the warning signs indicate that this is so.

If such violence is used against us again, it will not only spell grave danger for the country, but will also result in great destruction for the Tamil people. It is thus the responsibility of the international community to prevent such violence being unleashed against the Tamil people.

Our people may have suffered loss and destruction and become weary and jaded from the long armed struggle; but the world must clearly understand that events after the war only cause anger, rage, and frustration in our people.

Plainly militarized surroundings; life that is under continuous military surveillance; the rigid control of the defence forces over civil administration; the longtime delay in creating opportunities for employment; the systematic corruption of economic, social and cultural lives of Tamil women and youth; Sinhalization that takes place both secretly and openly; systematically excluding representatives of the Tamil people from reconstruction and economic development schemes; deliberate steps being taken to change the demographic composition of the Tamil homeland; removing ethnic, religious, historical and cultural symbols of the Tamil speaking peoples from areas traditionally inhabited by the Tamil people and constructing
Buddhist temples and religious symbols in their place with the intention of destroying all traces of the Tamil people in those areas; none of these are signs of reconciliation. None of these are signs that the Tamil people are being treated as equals. None of these are signs that bring peace or hope to the Tamil people. These are all foundation stones for the destruction of the Tamil people, the like of which has never been seen before.

Let the international community, which preaches the doctrine of humanity and the principles for the advancement of the human race, be aware that here, on this island, a national ethnic group that has lived here for several tens of thousands of years, is now on the cusp of extermination. The global community must understand that the future of a great people with their own distinct standards of humanity is now in great danger. We must all come together to change this. This is our last opportunity to do this. The international community must understand that.

Respected delegates,

We must build up the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi so that it may prove to be a strong source of leadership to Sri Lanka’s Tamils. Built up from the grassroots, it must become a great movement of the people. This people’s movement built from within the people, by the people, for the people, must not only be a great political force, but must also a positive impact on the social, cultural and economic life of the people. Our blueprint for the future of our party must thus be accurate and far sighted, able to facilitate the future development of the party in multiple ways.

Our future plans must centre around women and youth, the pillars of the future
and important members of our society. The 30 long years of conflict gave us no opportunity to build up our party in a proper manner. We must thus see the present environment, in which we have the great love and support of our people, and the assistance of the international community, as an important opportunity for the service of our people, and use it wisely.

Women are the backbone of any society. A society will either stand straight and tall or bent and bowed depending on the manner in which the women in that society live. Historically, the Tamil woman has suffered indescribable pain and agony. Improving the social and economic lives of our women must be a foremost priority of our party.

Youth are the pillars of a society. The future leaders of a community, they are an indication of the future of the community itself. Our party must also begin today the task of strengthening the pillars of tomorrow with lessons of confidence, good behavior and the indispensable importance of knowledge.

The Tamil National Alliance provides strong leadership to all Tamils. When considering issues of development and deterioration of the Tamil people there can be no division of the Muslim, Hindu or Christian communities. In Sri Lanka’s new political environment in which the phrases ‘majority community’ and ‘minority community’ figure prominently, a most intelligent approach is for all Tamil speaking peoples to come together as ‘one people’. Thus, bringing together Tamil speaking peoples of the Hindu, Muslim and Christian communities to join in our journey to freedom must be a priority.

Our service must also reach areas outside the traditional homelands of the Tamil people, to the hill country and the South. We must make appropriate plans for our work in those areas as well, and include the Tamil speaking peoples of those areas in our movement.

The only way for minority ethnic groups in this country to preserve their ethnic, religious and cultural symbols and traditions is to join under the umbrella of Tamil speaking peoples.

I would also like to use this opportunity to appeal to the political parties that are a part of the Sri Lankan government, representing some of Sri Lanka’s Tamil speaking peoples.

The reason for the delay in arriving at a solution for the problems of the Tamil speaking peoples is the insincere, dishonest, harmful intention of the government. There may be personal and other reasons for parties representing some of Sri Lanka’s Tamil speaking peoples to offer their unconditional support to this government. However, these parties must not, in effect, assist this government in deliberately delaying arriving at a solution for the problem concerning the political rights of Tamil speaking peoples. These parties must not give the government an opportunity to fulfill its cunning plan to reduce the effectiveness of the solution that is arrived at, by claiming that it has the support of Tamil parties to arrive at a solution within a unitary state structure. These parties must come forward to act beyond personal and party interests and act in the in the interests of the people they represent. As representatives of the Tamil
speaking peoples we must put forward a strong proposal for a solution that does not call into question the sovereignty of the peoples we represent. I ask all parties to unite together for this purpose.

My dear friends,

We are greatly indebted to the service of Tamil people who are abroad. Despite having left their motherland, they continue to serve it because of their great love for their country and their people, and their devotion to their community. As an ordinary Tamil living in this country, I greatly respect them.

This gathering of those of us elected as representatives of our people is also an appropriate one to express our thoughts to our kin who are now abroad.

My respected friends,

Certain groups of Tamils living abroad, are of the opinion that the Tamil people in Sri Lanka have been completely defeated and are unable to expose the political situation here. This idea is not completely accurate. Quietly, but steadfastly, the Tamil people are talking about this situation. They are expressing themselves concerning the establishment of the inalienable political rights of our people. Their election of the Tamil National Alliance was in itself a strong and courageous message. In addition to the Tamil people, we, as representatives of the Tamil
people, are also openly expressing ourselves. I thus humbly appeal to the Tamil Diaspora, that the thinking that the Tamil people in Sri Lanka have been completely defeated and are unable to express themselves concerning their political aspirations must decrease.

Wherever our people may live – whether in the homeland, or abroad – those of us in the Tamil National Alliance will represent them all equally. However those who live abroad must think beyond their personal estimations and ideas, and always give importance to the situation of those living in the homeland.

The Diaspora must respect the political thinking of those living here. They must respect the courage with which they make decisions, and their ability to determine their own political destiny. The Diaspora must trust in these capabilities of the Tamil people living here. The Diaspora’s political initiatives, and public statements on behalf of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka must not negatively affect the situation here; they must not prove to be obstacles to our efforts here. It is the efforts that are made by the people in Sri Lanka, which are made in accordance with the situation in Sri Lanka, and with sensitivity to this situation, that will finally bring about concrete results for the Tamil Nation.

My dear friends,

We must declare that it is the Tamil Diaspora all over the world that is a source of great political and economic strength to those living in Sri Lanka. Their presence, movements and participation must always be promoted and respected. During the brutal war, and in the immediate aftermath of its violent conclusion, it is the Diaspora that strengthened and supported the Tamil people here. It is our heartfelt wish that their service will continue with the same vigour and momentum.

The Diaspora must be greatly involved in the improvement of the social and economic lives of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka. In this post war environment, they must work to increase their standard of living. It is the Diaspora that must create an environment that will be conducive to our people being able to stand on their own feet. This involvement must not be superficial but properly planned and implemented. It is our wish that the Diaspora create an economic structure distinctly suitable to our local environment for the benefit of our people here.

My respected friends,

Although we are here at a gathering of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, as it is the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi that gives leadership to the Tamil National Alliance, as the leader of both the Katchi and the Alliance I would also like to clarify the following matters.

It is natural for differences of opinion to arise within a democratic political party. Indeed, such differences of opinion must arise, for that is the basis of democracy. However, such differences of opinion must be raised within the party and resolved there. They must not be expressed in public forums. This is not a good practice. Such practices will not promote unity or resolve conflicting ideas. In fact, they will only promote conflict and encourage it to grow. They will lead to schisms within the party and will not only impact the party negatively, but will weaken our
community. As representatives of the people, we must never forget this. I would thus like to state with certainty and clarity that our party will not allow or encourage the modern political trend of publicizing internal conflicts that arise within the party. A defining characteristic of a democratic party is that it opens its doors to all kinds of opinions. Our party is such a party. As our aspirations are to improve the party and benefit the people, we welcome concrete ideas that will help in the journey towards that Sri Lanka. I would also like to state with certainty that we are determined in our desire to examine, select, internalize and implement constructive ideas and move on to the next stage of our journey.

My greatly respected friends

Our heartfelt desire continues to be that of creating a bright future for our people. We believe that the time is becoming ripe for this.

Our understanding and relationship with members of the international community including India and the United States that has come about by slow degrees, little by little, as a result of methodical, measured action and thinking, is becoming a source of strength for our community.

We believe that this has the potential to help us arrive at a concrete, permanent political solution for the ethnic problem our community faces.

You are the fountain for this hope we have.

What we need from you – is unity, trust, protection and co-operation.

You must build the genuine unity that is necessary to create an untainted force that will lead the Tamil Nation.

You must have faith that our every step is taken with great care along an honest and straightforward path with only one goal – to achieve lasting political freedom for our people.

You must study with care the deep significance of our every effort, and not obstruct or discredit these efforts, but protect and promote them.

Certain actions we take of a diplomatic nature, with deep political significance, must not be carelessly explained to our people, as this will only cause confusion and perplexity among them.

Instead, you must give us your full cooperation.

We remember all those who have lost their lives – more than a hundred thousand of our kin – in our struggle for freedom. It is with their blessings that we continue on this journey.

We will do all we can to reach the Sri Lanka they were unable to reach in the past, using the approach of the past, with the contemporary approaches of today’s world. We will do this for them, and for ourselves.

May this historical victory be our offering at the graves of those who have lost their lives, and may it make wholesome the withered lives of those who are alive today.

Thank you

Vanakkam.


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Review: Basic math explains structural root cause of SL conflict

by Gogol G.

It should be obvious now that the political structure of SL is the root cause of the SL conflict and every facet that perpetuates the conflict: majoritaniarism via identity, language, religion; re-imagined historical narratives treating Mahavamsa like a historical text in the schools (even though its earliest details are fuzzy, grandiose and mythologise Sinhalese as ordained by Buddha, Tamils seen as enemies, and it betrays a lack of understanding of Tamil-Sinhalese origins and chronology), even smart Sinhalese today are taught that Tamils are interlopers and would be shocked at chronology and Tamil antiquity and how Sinhalese relates to Tamil; majority group dominance of govt majority community over-represented in legislature, courts judge based on Sinhalese-crafted laws/constitution, police is 95% Sinhalese, military is 99% Sinhalese and deployed solely internally against common wisdom or efficacy of its proper role, unfair practice of governance unfair laws (in the 1st year alone, enacted retroactive stripping of Tamil plantation worker citizenship), unfair implementation (even after Tamil made an official language, it is hardly used in practice, while monolingual Sinhalese judges, teachers, etc. are appointed to high posts in traditional Tamil areas), judicial rulings based on unfair laws/constitution created without Tamil participation, unjust violence committed by majority group (despite reasonable demands), starting with the first Sinhalese mob violence against Tamils in 1939, and continuing onwards, and it hasn't stopped yet; suppression of dissent against majoritarianism even aspects like the religion of the majority became politicised, and now that the Tamil Tigers were defeated in 2009, Sinhalese are finally realising that the "dissent" being silenced can be from anyone. History points us clearly to the fact that the structure operates as a "positive feedback loop", i.e. self-perpetuating and self-intensifying.

For such a simple idea, it's easy to get lost in the minutiae of the litany of supporting evidence. And even though it's a simple idea, even now, even among educated people in the Diaspora (even youth), the problem of SL's structure is parried with tangential details, or the issue is de-emphasised in favour of concern for the resulting symptoms. Here, I just want to suggest another way to reason about why the structure is the root problem: basic math!

Basic math of SL's genocide of Tamils

Before the SL govt masterminded the Black July pogrom in 1983 (and yes, the SL govt indeed masterminded Black July well in advance), there were 4 million Tamils in SL, mostly living in the traditional homelands in the Northeast. Since 1983, more than 1 million Tamils fled the island and now make up the Tamil Diaspora. In Black July alone (roughly a week long), at least 3000 Tamil civilians were killed. From 1983 to 2008, at least 65,000 Tamil civilians were killed. And in 2008-2009, at least 40,000 Tamil civilians were killed, while some people say the death tool in this period could be as high as 147,000. Before 2009, there were roughly 20,000+ Tamil soldiers of the LTTE who died, so perhaps that number is at least as high as 40,000 by now. So from that original number of 4 million Tamils in 1981, 25% of them fled to the Diaspora, leaving 3 million remaining. Of that 3 million, at least 108,000 Tamil civilians killed and 40,000 Tamil soldiers dead (of the 3 million, that's 3.6% + 1.3% = 4.9% killed). Out of the 2,852,000 surviving Tamils in the island, in 2009, 300,000 Tamils were put into internment camps like Menik Farm for more than a year. That means 10.5% of Tamils still alive in the Northeast were kept in internment camps in the Northeast in 2009. Or putting it all together, compared to the original 4 million Tamils in 1981, by 2009, there were only 63.8% who were still in the island, alive, and not living sub-animal conditions inside barbed wire. Again, 63.8 % !!!! Keep in mind that all of these numbers are underestimates of the suffering of Tamils perpetrated by the Sri Lankan government. History will be the ultimate judge of which & whether those actions are colonisation, war crimes, or genocide, and whether those camps are internment or concentration, but I'm obviously not going to wait to call a spade as a spade.

Basic math of SL's political structure

The following table shows how little Tamil people matter in the political equations given by the structure of SL's polity, and how they are even further disenfranchised by the first-pass-the-post electoral system, a form of gerrymandering where there are more districts in Singalese areas (to keep per-district voter numbers equal to NE districts, where much of pop. fled or was killed), and the national list MP seats awarded on island-wide percentages:

	Tamil				Winning Singhalese				All Singhalese
year	% of NE Tamils in island (1981 census)	% of votes island-wide to TNA	# of bonus seats	% of seats in Parl.	% of Singhalese in island (1981 census)	% of votes island-wide to winning Sing.-coalition	# of bonus seats	% of seats in Parl.	% of seats in Parl for all Sing.-led parties/coalitions
2001	12.71%	3.89%	1	6.7%	73.95%	45.62%	13	48.4%	89.8%
2004	12.71%	6.84%	2	9.8%	73.95%	45.60%	13	46.7%	87.1%
2010	12.71%	2.90%	1	6.2%	73.95%	60.33%	17	64.0%	93.8%

If you feel completely innumerate, then maybe you don't get it yet, but these maps (from Wikipedia) depicting the parliamentary election results from 2001, 2004, and 2010 speak for themselves. (Dark blue = Kumaratunga/Rajapakse, dark green = Wickremasinghe, orange = SL paramilitary, yellow = NE Tamil coalition, light green = NE Muslim party)







The point illustrated is that by neglecting or glossing over the geographic, cultural, linguistic, religious, and historical differences of the NE Tamil-speaking Muslims and Tamils, their voices get drowned out in the SL political structure. The colonisation that was apparent from 2001-2010 has been happening for at least the past 6 decades, at least since SL got its independence. It's not hard to find articles describing how the colonisation happened and continues to happen. What's scary is the extremely rapid pace of colonisation after the LTTE's defeat and the way that colonisation has been disguised as development projects, etc.

Dealing with a rigged political structure

If the structure is rigged, and if that leads to conflict, and if the conflict has ruined SL's governance, democratic institutions, social fabric, and standard of living (yes, the structure is a self-defeating thing), then why does it persist? Well, the first answer is obvious: greed. Someone is benefiting -- the Singhalese politicians who claim power, and on a collective level, the Sinhalese vis-a-vis the minorities (i.e., Tamil-speaking peoples of the NE).

Let's say that you think, though, that given a somewhat decent Singalese politician, the structure can be changed for the benefit of all, and everyone can live happily ever after. Not so fast. See, people work based on incentives. In SL, incentives are given by the political equations that the structure creates. Unfortunately, instead of tackling the hard problems despite great risk, politicians will follow the path of least resistance, as indicated by the political equations. In SL's case, that means exterminate Tamils, steal their land and businesses, then repeat again on the Muslims, until you're left with a mono-ethnic Singhalese banana republic. This is nothing groundbreaking - it could be material for a chapter in another Freakonomics book. (That might be a hard sell for a book publisher since it's too soon to tell this story given that also involves discrimination, racism, war crimes, genocide, and geopolitics.)

So politicians are just rats in a rat race. They don't attempt tackling or hanging a bell on the tougher problem. Instead, they just do what it takes to get to the finish line. Those who don't know how to finish either get sidelined, sacked, or assassinated. Bandaranaike the 1st (SWRD Band., husband to Srimavo and father of CBK) promised & delivered Sinhala Only, but was assassinated by a Buddhist monk out of concern he wasn't catering enough to Buddhism. Wickremasinghe was elected on a "no more war" mandate in 2001 (after all, SL's economy contracted in the 2nd half of 2001 due to the LTTE's surgical, zero-civilian-wounded attack on the airbase and adjoining Katunayake airport). For entertaining the idea of federalism and the LTTE's skeleton framework of federalism via their ISGA proposal, CBK effectively crippled and sacked Wickremasinghe's govt in 2004. Wickremasinghe seemed to have learned his lesson: during his campaign in the presidential election in 2005, he hinted at taking credit for weakening Tigers, but that wasn't enough. So in the final 3 days of the campaign, he took credit more explicitly, and pandered to Sinhalese Buddhism more explicitly. It was too little, too late. And even now, he has been sidelined by dissidents in his own party multiple times since 2005 for not being "strong" enough. Clearly, none of these guys are principled, but the behaviour of average politicians acting within a structure is not a question of morality or immorality. It's a question of amorality: what do I need to do and say to get from point A to point B faster and better?

Now, a true statesmen is someone who can identify the true underlying problem (naturally a tougher nut to crack), identify the solution(s), and do the needful to solve the problem. Politicians are a dime a dozen, but true statesmen are a rare, genuine wealth to the people they serve. Statesmen are the ones who can find ways to make the radical changes from an outdated system to a new system that serves everyone's interests now and for the future. Statesmen are not just smart enough to determine the solutions, but can engage in the messaging campaign necessary to take the message to the masses. One good example in Canadian politics is the idea of multiculturalism to deal with a structural problem in a way that served long-term interests of everyone. The idea of "multiculturalism" is largely understood to be an inherent good and it sticks in the minds of most Canadians (even if they don't understand it, it doesn't impact them directly, or it conflicts with their closet prejudices). The messaging of the current Obama administration in the US shows signs of such savviness by describing the sunset of Bush tax cuts as the way to preserve govt services and close the deficit as "basic math". The idea of "basic math" should be hammered home until Nov. 2012, and it should also be applied to discussions on the health care act, etc., too.

It doesn't take a genius to see that the current structure of SL stacks the numbers in favour of the Singhalese against the Tamils. In addition to arguments based on common sense and patterns of history, it may also help to explain arguments for significant autonomy to the traditional Tamil-speaking homelands through the argument of basic math. Arguing for people to employ basic math is not being simplistic about the matter; rather, it is a simple explanation for a simply-expressible cause underpinning the SL conflict: the political structure of the island of Ceylon.

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Edit 7/1/12: It has been pointed out to me that the population of Tamils (including Upcountry Tamils) in 1981 was probably 3 million. If this is true, then the implication is that percentages of Tamil victims is higher, percentages of Tamil survivors are lower, and the suffering caused by the Southern Lankan nation on the Tamil-speaking NE is that much more genocidal than previously shown. The 1 million Tamils who escaped and constitute the Diaspora is 33% of the 3 million in 1981. That means that by 2009, the number surviving Tamils in the NE not living in sub-animal conditions is 3,000,000 - 1,000,000 - 20,000 - 108,000 - 300,000 = 1,572,000, which as a percentage of the 1981 census figure of 3,000,000 is 52.4% ! The percentage of people surviving in the NE in 2009 who were killed in 2009 is 2.1% (40,000 / 1,872,000) and the percentage of people surviving in the NE in 2009 who were put in internment camps is 16.0% (300,000 / 1,872,000) !!

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