Sri Lanka | After the War
by Anuk Arudpragasam
1 May 2014
Driving north along Sri Lanka’s newly relaid A9 highway last August, our van came upon an immaculately green lawn that stood out in a landscape of desolate scrubland. We were just outside the town of Kilinochchi, the former stronghold of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, and stopped to take a look. A broad tiled path cut through the middle of the grass, and crouched on either side of it were three politely smiling government soldiers, using scissors to snip, one by one, every stalk that had grown too tall or unkempt. The path led up five short steps to a platform, and surging up from it was a huge, perfectly rectangular slab of concrete. Embedded near its centre was a larger-than-life brass bullet, polished to a golden shimmer, from which several deep fractures radiated outwards. The deepest of these rose all the way to the upper edge of the slab, and from it burst an enormous brass lotus frozen in the act of unfolding, glimmering in the vast, cloudless sky. This monument was constructed shortly after the government’s decisive victory over the Tigers, who for twenty-six years waged a bitter civil war for a separate Tamil homeland. From the ruins of war, the monument seemed to declare to the island’s historically Tamil north and east, the flower of peace was at last blooming.
Early the next morning, having driven east from Kilinochchi for several hours over narrow, rutted dirt roads, we came to the quiet village of Mullivaikal, right on Sri Lanka’s north-eastern coast. The final battle of the war was fought here in May 2009, and the site has attained mythical stature among the country’s Tamils. More than three hundred thousand Tamil civilians were trapped in a small area around this village for five months as the Tigers made their last, desperate stand against the Sri Lankan army. Most had been displaced from their homes by a steady army advance that began in early 2008, and forced to retreat eastwards with the rebels. In Mullivaikal, exhausted, wounded, with little food or water and nowhere left to go, they dug hundreds of bunkers for shelter against the army’s indiscriminate shelling. According to a UN report, which the Sri Lankan government aggressively disputes, as many as forty thousand civilians died in the war’s last days.
That number would have been far higher had not a small number of dedicated Tamil doctors and nurses stayed behind instead of crossing over to the safety of government lines. In the last days they ran a makeshift clinic out of Mullivaikal’s abandoned primary school, saving hundreds of lives without proper instruments or anaesthetics. Four years on, there was hardly any sign left of those events at the school. The classrooms had been repaired, the school reopened. It was the middle of school holidays, but uniformed students were setting up chairs and sweeping out classrooms, and several teachers were preparing cauldrons of rice and curry for lunch. The hustle and bustle was in preparation for the opening of the school’s new library building. There were several visitors from outside the village too—educators, donors and well-wishers who had contributed to the project. Despite the flurry of movement all around, they spoke in whispers and walked with light steps, out of respect for all that happened here during the war.
Listening to the various speeches in front of the main school building, I noticed a large mango tree that had somehow survived the violence. Suspended by a hefty piece of rope from its thickest branch was a large, hollow, bullet-shaped object. Its chipped exterior had been painted green and yellow, but its inner surface was rusting. It was the exoskeleton of a shell, I discovered afterwards from one of the teachers, found in the school grounds by students. It was used now as the school’s bell, rung at the beginning and end of lessons, a monument to the recent past very different from the one built by the government outside Kilinochchi. For the children of Mullivaikal, every hour of primary education is punctuated by its gong, a reminder of what happened in the place they come to be educated for life in their new nation.
I had been taken to the opening ceremony by Dr S Sivathas, who had helped raise funds for the library. Of the sixty-seven consultant psychiatrists serving Sri Lanka’s population of twenty million, Sivathas is the only one currently working full-time in the former rebel territories. For most of the war he lived in the relative safety of the country’s capital, Colombo, but he had himself transferred to the government hospital in the large northern town of Vavuniya the day after the government declared victory. For the last five years Sivathas has confronted a daunting task: to address the massive amount of personal and communal trauma that accumulated in the Sri Lanka’s north and east over twenty-six years of war, and especially in the two final, brutal years of fighting. His first major undertaking was to train a cadre of sixty community support officers and twenty facilitators, most of them young people who had themselves been trapped in Mullivaikal. Today, they run weekly workshops and counselling sessions in their respective villages, and form the backbone of Sivathas’ programme of long-term support for traumatised populations. Sivathas still spends weekends in Colombo with his family, but during the week he travels across the north and east with gruelling dedication, moving by bus, van, bike and foot to small towns and villages, where he oversees the work of this cadre and deals with cases they are unable to address.
On the evening of my first day with the doctor, I spoke at length with Sivakumar, a community support officer from the town of Mallavi, who appeared at least a decade older than his thirty-seven years. Sivakumar described the terror of the final stages of the war with an unsettling earnestness. In the months of continuous displacement during the retreat, the barrages of shelling never stopped for more than a few hours, he told me. “As we moved from one place to another we saw bodies and body parts scattered across roads and open spaces like grains of rice. You could hear the wailing of people grieving for their dead everywhere.” When the fighting was finally over, those who survived were interned for months in government camps, where, many of them allege, torture and rape by the military were widespread. It was well over a year before most of them were released, to return to what was left of their homes. “Even now I can’t get a good night’s sleep,” Sivakumar said. “The memories come into my head, and I’m afraid to close my eyes.”
We slept that night at the home of Saro, one of Sivathas’ facilitators in the village of Keridamadu, a few hours west of Mullivaikal. Drinking tea on the portico the next morning as we waited for a Ministry of Health van to take us to our next destination, we watched a young woman in her mid twenties walk into the garden through the gate in the thatched fence. She was well dressed, wearing a loose brown shalwar kameez with a red thread tied around her upper arm to signify she was fasting. Seeing us she smiled, hesitated, then acceded to Sivathas’ invitation to sit down.
It was impossible to tell from her appearance or comportment, but Rani lost her mother, father, brother and sister-in-law during the last months of the war. The night before, Saro, her cousin, had told Sivathas about Rani’s surprisingly complete recovery from these losses, and had asked her to come over that morning at his suggestion. Between sips of tea, Sivathas began, very conversationally, asking Rani about her morning routine, her part-time work, and the situation at home with her husband and children. Rani deflected these questions with quiet giggles, embarrassed to be asked about herself so explicitly. Sivathas persevered. “Saro told me about what happened to you during the war,” he said. “About how you returned to ordinary life and your duties with such ease, as if by magic. As a psychiatrist I’m curious about how you did it, whether you’re very religious, whether praying helped you, or whether you’re just a resilient person.” Rani’s large eyes smiled at the doctor’s frankness, as if to say she didn’t think there was anything to be surprised about at all. It wasn’t hard to believe that all was indeed well with her, that she had truly managed to come to terms with everything that had happened.
As the doctor gently probed into the recent past, though, asking carefully about those in her family who passed away, about how her life was different from before, Rani became agitated. She angled her face down, and her eyes welled up with tears. Drawing her chair back without a sound, she stood up and went inside to join Saro in the kitchen. Half an hour later, when she stopped by the portico again on her way out, she looked as she had when she arrived, bright-eyed and confident. In her expression there was an acknowledgment of the brief rupture in her calm that the three of us had witnessed, but also a firm indication that it wouldn’t be allowed to resurface.
The directness and informality of Sivathas’ style is sharply at odds with that of other medical professionals in Sri Lanka, where doctors are used to an almost headmasterly respect from their patients. He keeps his interactions with his patients continuous with everyday life, and often ignores social and professional norms that come in the way of his work. This is not, to be sure, simply a product of the doctor’s own temperament. Sivathas’ intimacy with his counsellors, his lack of stiffness, and his unabashed readiness to impose himself upon the lives of others, are marks of how far removed his work is from the context of ordinary medicine. When each and every individual in a place has been affected by trauma, it becomes part of the community itself, a normal, everyday phenomena. Sivathas’ response to these conditions has been to make the therapeutic stance a part of his ordinary comportment, so that the eliciting, soothing and suggesting that exist for so many psychiatrists only in rigidly demarcated contexts have become for him a part of almost every interaction.
Two days later, I sat in on a weekly workshop for elderly, mostly widowed women at a community centre in the village of Malayalapuram, just south of Kilinochchi. Sivathas playfully bantered with the women as they trickled in, before gently asking them to join the circle and talk about how they were doing. There was no definite starting point to the session, no sudden switch from ordinary conversation to formal therapy, but the discussion turned gradually to questions of livelihood, routine and depression.
When the meeting was over, I followed the doctor and a young community support officer out into the bright, oppressive heat. We were going to the home of one of the participants, a strikingly gaunt woman in her early sixties, with eyes like basins filled to the verge of spilling. She had been unable to stop crying for the duration of the meeting, and talking to Sivathas as she walked her words were still dissolved in tears. She kept repeating the same few lines about her situation, following a logic of her own rather than responding to anything the doctor said. The support officer looked at me with an almost apologetic smile. “She lost eight members of her family in the last week of the war,” she explained. “Both her sons, their wives, and three grandchildren.”
We walked along a dirt path with thatched palm-leaf fences on both sides, and entered the woman’s partly withered, partly overgrown garden. The doctor did his best to persuade the woman to begin taking antidepressants—it was the only time in the week I spent with Sivathas that I heard him talk about medication. The woman responded with indignation. “I don’t want to change how I feel,” she said again and again. “It’s only right that this is my state after all this has happened to my family.” I wondered whether the woman might not be right, then turned to find the support officer chuckling silently beside me, not maliciously but with a mixture of sympathy and impatience. Leaning over, she whispered that the woman hadn’t stopped talking about her troubles for four years, though everyone else in the village had suffered too. “Imagine what it must be like for her son’s child to live in a home like this,” she said, motioning to a shirtless girl of about nine or ten on the portico.
The support officer, I found out later from Sivathas, is twenty years old. The Tigers conscripted her elder brother when fighting with the army resumed late in 2007. After the war, she searched everywhere for him, unsuccessfully. Unable to give him up for dead, she suffered from a debilitating depression until she started working for the doctor, after which her condition slowly improved. Talking to people regularly about their situations, according to Sivathas, has helped many of his support officers and facilitators cope with their own grief.
Freud suggested in his essay ‘Mourning and Melancholia’ that the basic function of mourning is to allow the bereaved to dwell on their attachment to the lost object, thereby gradually and painfully detaching themselves from something they have built their lives around, and clearing space inside themselves for a future without it. Traditional mourning rituals for the forty thousand who died during the last stages of the war, however, were usually out of the question. Death could come anywhere, at any time. Those who were killed usually had to be left behind, and searching for the remains of loved ones during lulls in the fighting and shelling often yielded only body parts or disfigured corpses, not the whole bodies required for proper rites. Many simply could not tell what happened to their friends and relatives, and even today cannot acknowledge that those missing are probably dead.
The impossibility of mourning individuals has been compounded by an inability to mourn the collective past. In the months following the end of the war, the Sri Lankan government systematically erased all vestiges of the Tigers in the north and east, including several large cemeteries for dead fighters. Attempts at grieving publicly by Tamil civil society in the last few years have also been disrupted, with organisers and participants taken in for questioning and often detained. These policies are not surprising, in a way. The act of mourning in this context is, in the government’s reckoning, necessarily political: to mourn a civilian killed in the war’s final days is to criticise the army’s use of indiscriminate shelling, just as to mourn the past is to endorse the separatist goals of the Tigers. The government’s efforts at stifling mourning are an extension of its wartime policy of total destruction. The psychological effects this has had, however, are immense. When an entire population is prevented from mourning, according to the doctor, a sharp disjunction inevitably forms in people’s minds between the past and present. It was his duty, Sivathas told me on our last day together, to reunify the minds of all these people, so that they may return to ordinary life as much as is possible.
Anuk Arudpragasam is a writer from Colombo, Sri Lanka. At present he is writing a doctorate in philosophy at Columbia University in New York, USA, and finishing a novel set during the last days of Sri Lanka’s civil war.
Read more!
Showing posts with label News. Show all posts
Showing posts with label News. Show all posts
Sunday, May 25, 2014
Saturday, July 28, 2012
News: Eelam Today... In Colombo, a family feud, in Vanni, no family at all!
Eelam Today... In Colombo, a family feud, in Vanni, no family at all!
by Pa. Thirumaavelan
Ananda Vikatan
2012.05.23
No matter how many flowers you plant to hide it, the stench from the edges of a cemetery never disappear. A 30-year land of war... 3 years before a land of death... today Eelam... a cemetery land!
No matter what magical object of mythical proportions from China, Russia, and Cuba that the Rajapakses bring over and sprinkle... the wails borne of blood that rise up in the middle of the night cannot be suppressed.
Everything not reaching the light appears like a Tiger to the frightened government. Only one person ever showed the Tiger flag, in the May Day parade, after which... rumblings in Colombo exploded like dynamite. (And there are people who call this is a government set-up!) It has become the daily work of the today's Ceylon government to figure out which Western countries are friends and which are enemies. Because Rajapakse passes the days worrying not about anyone including the Singhalese but being content only so long as his family is protected... in the last three years there has been no improvement whatsoever.
In the fourth year after the war ended, how are the Eelam politics, which are finding their feet?
The factional fighting had already begun inside the oleander palace in Colombo to see who will be the next person to grab the next position after President Rajapakse. Gothabaya Rajapakse, who thought in the beginning that he needs to get the position next to his older brother, has now become quiet saying that the current taste of power is enough... the next brother and minister Basil Rajapakse has determined his own trajectory. But this is something that Mahinda Rajapakse's wife Siranthi does not like one bit. She insisted that the son is the one who should assume his father's title. This is how son Nimal Rajapakse became an M.P. Nimal, who stands in the forefront and continues to implement social programmes, is going to assume the responsibility of a minister of Ceylon within the next 2 months. In the war of "younger brother Basil? son Nimal?", who it is going to be will be known in one or two years.
It is because the North-East province is majority Tamil that we can talk about 'Tamil Eelam', right? Will it no longer be enough if Tamils are made to become the minority ethnicity? In the killing of Tamils, the population has decreased by 50%. Now, they're very hush-hush about the settlement of Singhalese in this area. In the areas where only 20 families existed, there are now 500 families.
Under the pretext of, "We're giving free homes to military soldiers," places for Singhalese soldiers are being handed out with blessings. The fisherman who come from Southern Lanka to fish... in just a few months had permanently settled in the Northeast Area. Tamils are not able to find their own homes and places. Because they were being constantly displaced, a lot of people do not have their land deeds. In total, everything is gone, and only Tamils are left remaining!
Eelam - always a special holy site in Saivite religion. They have written about them a lot in the auspicious ancient literary works of the Saivite religion. After the war, attempts to make it a Buddhist land. Perhaps constructing new Buddhist temples, vihares is their right. But they're doing it doggedly with the attitude, "We're going to build only right next to Saiva temples." With several years of antiquity, the Thiruketheecharam auspicious temple is referred to as "Sivan-land". Very close to this temple, a statue of Buddha that weighs 1,500 kg is being built. Surrounding this village, there were 185 Tamil families. They blocked these families from resettling. Not only Kokki'laay, Kokkuththoduvaay... Everywhere in the Vanni region, the encroachment of the Buddhist religion and the ceremonious installations of statues of Buddha are happening abundantly!
After finishing off the Tamils, Muslims' necks have been caught by the Singhalese. By saying, "Islam is also inimical to the Buddhist religion," an intense gaze is landing on them. That the front entrance of the Dambulla school was attacked is the beginning of this. During the time 20 years ago when Premadasa was Prime Minister, the decision was made that there should not be an Israeli embassy in Ceylon. Therefore, the ambassador for Ceylon worked out of India. Now, the Israeli ambassador is once again allowed to operate in Ceylon. This has made the Muslims become afraid. The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress has expressed its opposition to this. But it does not seem that Rajapakshe respected this.
In Eelam, which has produced valour, now only widows remain. All around, there are fertile lands... There is a tradition among the people who live in those areas to build a house in the middle of those lands. As if the lands have become flattened to the ground, so too have their lives become. As youngsters get killed in the same way as Tigers... senior citizens' lives are ended by bombs... what remains is only women. People with a little bit of means gave money to the SL Army and escaped. Since the only companions of the remaining people are a threatening environment and un-nutritious food, there is no strength in their bodies and only a windpipe functions. Because there is not enough nutritional value, that the students who go to school to study cannot sit and faint is a hardship that is bitter even just to hear.
With the word "refugee", there are certain rights and many needs associated. But Eelam Tamils have none of that. Tamils are treated more lowly and humiliatingly than helpless serfs. For the people who have been sent from the refugee camps to "live" in the towns, the government promise was, "We'll give 12 roofing sheets, one or two tarpaulins, and wooden staffs" Before they will receive this, many will end up at the height of agony. Because they don't know which one their land is, the state of things is that food comes only if they take any sort of daily wage labour job and receive their wage every single day. Can't open a shop. The Army harasses and threatens. You can go work for a Singhalese shop. Or you can go in the street, spread a straw mat on the ground, and sell whatever you can. That is the situation. Because they are 10 feet away from the SL army's eyes (kangal) and guns ("gun"gal), Tamils cannot do anything, unless it is to lie down and lay there.
"I am drawing up plans to develop the Tamil areas," Rajapakse continues to say without laughing. But, the truth is that these developments do not benefit the Tamil person. They are putting roads in every place. This is development. Jaffna University Economics Department Chair Vi. Pi. Sivanathan, "Roads are being built in order to distribute power. Operations to transport military hardware here are also a part of this. These are useful for the business magnates in the South to come here and take things away. Because they do not know the price seafood, fishermen have to sell to Southern Lankan business owners. This is to say, because of this development, we have lost very much," said in an interview. "All of the foreign money that is being brought in by the government for the sake of development ends up getting re-routed, in one way or another, to Southern Lanka," is his accusation.
Eelam is a small sphere that lays in the water trough of the world, and the only consolation is that everything that happens in Eelam reaches the attention of the world's countries play-by-play. Rajapakse's first difficulty is the U.N.'s decision to fully investigate the Eelam brutality. "We will do the investigation ourselves," he said, creating his own group... He gave his own report as a good kid. As soon as the question was raised in Geneva, "Based on that report, what actions have you taken?" maybe such a commission should not be formed is an idea that formed in Rajapakse's mind. The U.N. forum has given a deadline of October. From what wellness plans for Tamils and affected peoples have been completed... all the way to what punishment has been given to the criminals... Rajapakse is in the tight spot of having to give an answer. Only 5 months for the duration of that.
At least in October, will the U.N. take actions that will let the souls of the dead attain peace?
ஈழம் இன்று..!கொழும்பில் குடும்பச் சண்டை! வன்னியில் குடும்பமே இல்லை!
ப.திருமாவேலன்
எத்தனை பூச்செடிகள் வைத்து மறைத்தாலும், மயானக் கரை நாற்றம் மறையாது. 30 ஆண்டு களாக யுத்
த பூமி... 3 ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன் மரண பூமி... இன்று ஈழம்... மயான பூமி!
சீனத்து சென்ட், ரஷ்ய அத்தர், கியூபா ஜவ்வாது என எதைக் கொண்டுவந்து ராஜபக்ஷேக்கள் தெளித்தாலும்... நள்ளிர வில் எழும் ரத்த ஓலங்களைக் கட்டுப்படுத்த முடியவில்லை.
அரண்டுகிடக்கும் அரசாங்கத்துக்கு இருண்டதெல்லாம் புலியாகத் தெரிகிறது. ஒரே ஒரு ஆள் புலிக் கொடியை, மே தின ஊர்வலத்தில் காட்ட... கொழும்பில் வெடி வெடித்த அளவுக்குக் குமுறல்கள். (இதை அரசாங்கத்தின் செட்- அப் என்று சொல்பவர்களும் உண்டு! ) உலக நாடுகளில் எது நண்பன், எது எதிரி என்பதைக் கண்டுபிடிப்பது மட்டுமே இன்றைய இலங்கை அரசாங்கத்தின் வேலையாகிவிட்டது. சிங்களவர் உட்பட எவரைப் பற்றிய கவலையும் இல்லாமல், தன் குடும்பம் காப்பாற்றப்பட்டால் போதும் என்ற நினைப்புடன் ராஜபக்ஷே நாட்களைக் கழித்ததால்... கடந்த மூன்று ஆண்டுகளில் எந்த முன்னேற்றமும் இல்லை.
போர் முடிந்து நான்காவது ஆண்டில் அடியெடுத்துவைக்கும் ஈழ அரசியல் எப்படி இருக்கிறது?
ஜனாதிபதி ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு அடுத்த இடத்தை யார் பிடிப்பது என்ற கோஷ்டி யுத்தம் கொழும்பு அலரி மாளிகைக்கு உள்ளே தொடங்கிவிட்டது. அண்ணனுக்கு அடுத்த இடத்துக்கு வர வேண்டும் என்று ஆரம்பத்தில் நினைத்த கோத்தபய ராஜபக்ஷே, இன்றைய அதிகார ருசியே போதும் என அமைதியாகிவிட... அடுத்த தம்பியும் அமைச்சருமான பசில் ராஜபக்ஷே தனது இலக்கைத் தீர்மானித்துவிட்டார். ஆனால், இது மகிந்த ராஜபக்ஷேவின் மனைவி சிராந்திக்குக் கொஞ்ச மும் பிடிக்கவில்லை. அப்பாவின் பட்டத்தை மகன்தான் ஏற்க வேண்டும் என்று பிடி வாதம் பிடித்தார். மகன் நிமல் ராஜபக்ஷே, எம்.பி. ஆனது இப்படித்தான். சமூக சேவைக் காரியங்களை முன்னின்று செயல்படுத்திவரும் நிமல், இன்னும் இரண்டு மாதங்களில் இலங்கையில் அமைச்சராகவும் பொறுப்பேற்கப்போகிறார். தம்பி பசிலா; மகன் நிமலா என்ற யுத்தத்தில், இருக்கப்போவது யார் என்று இரண்டொரு ஆண்டுகளில் தெரிந்துவிடும்.
வடக்கு, கிழக்கு மாகாணத்தில் தமிழர் பெரும்பான்மையாக இருந்தால்தானே 'தமிழ் ஈழம்’ என்றெல்லாம் பேச முடியும்? இந்தப் பகுதியில் தமிழர்களைச் சிறு பான்மையினர் ஆக்கிவிட்டால் போதாதா? தமிழர்களைக் கொன்றதில் பாதி சதவிகிதம் குறைந்தது. இப்போது இந்தப் பகுதியில் சிங்களவர்களைக் குடியேற்றுவதில் மும்முர மாக உள்ளார்கள். 20 சிங்களக் குடும்பங்கள் இருந்த பகுதிகளில் இப்போது 500 குடும் பங்கள் உள்ளன.
'ராணுவ வீரர்களுக்கு இலவசமாகக் கொடுக்கிறோம்’ என்ற பெயரில் சிங்கள வீரர்களுக்கு இடங்கள் தாரை வார்க்கப் படுகின்றன. இதைவைத்துக் குடும்பம் குடும்பமாகக் குடியேறுகிறார்கள். தெற்கு இலங்கையில் இருந்து மீன் பிடிப்பதற்காக வரும் சிங்கள மீனவர்கள்... ஒரு சில மாதங்களில் வட கிழக்குப் பகுதியில் நிரந்தரமாகத் தங்கிவிட்டார்கள். தமிழர்கள் தங்களது நிலங்களைக் கண்டுபிடிக்கவும் முடியவில்லை. இடம்பெயர்ந்துகொண்டே இருந்ததால் பலரிடம் நிலப் பத்திரங்களும் இல்லை. மொத்தத்தில் எல்லாமே தொலைந்துபோய் நிற்கிறான் தமிழன்!
ஈழம் - எப்போதும் சைவத் திருத்தலம். சைவத்துக்கு அவர்கள் அருளிய இலக்கியங் களே அவ்வளவு இருக்கும். யுத்தத்துக்குப் பிறகு புத்த பூமியாக ஆக்க முயற்சித்தார்கள். புதிய புத்த கோயில்கள், விகாரைகள் எழுப்புவதுகூட அவர்கள் உரிமையாக இருக்கலாம். ஆனால், சைவத் தலங்களுக்குப் பக்கத்தில்தான் அமைப்போம் என்று அடம்பிடித்துச் செய்கிறார்கள். பலஆண்டு பழமையான திருக்கேதீச்சரம் திருக்கோயில், சிவபூமி என்று அழைக்கப்படும். இந்தக் கோயிலுக்கு அருகில் 1,500 கிலோ எடை கொண்ட புத்தர் சிலை அமைக்கப்படுகிறது. இந்த கிராமத்தைச் சுற்றி 185 தமிழ்க் குடும் பங்கள் இருந்தன. அவர்களைக் குடியேற விடாமல் தடுத்தார்கள். கொக்கிளாய், கொக்குத் தொடுவாய் மட்டும் அல்ல... வன்னிப் பிரதேசம் எங்குமே பௌத்த மதத்தின் ஆக்கிரமிப்பும் புத்த சிலைகளின் பிரதிஷ்டைகளும் தாராளமாக நடக்கின்றன!
தமிழர்களை முடித்த பிறகு, முஸ்லிம்களின் கழுத்து சிங்களவர்களிடம் சிக்கியுள்ளது. புத்த மதத்துக்கு இஸ்லாமும் எதிரானதே என்று சொல்லி, இப்போது அவர்கள் மீது பார்வை பதிந்துள்ளது. தம்புள்ளை பள்ளிவாசல் சமீபத்தில் தாக்கப்பட்டது இதற்கான தொடக்கம். 20 ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன் பிரேமதாசா பிரதம ராக இருந்த காலத்தில், இலங்கையில் இஸ்ரேல் தூதரகம் இருக்கக் கூடாது என முடிவு எடுக்கப்பட்டது. அதனால், இந்தியா வில் இருந்து இலங்கைக்கான இஸ்ரேல் தூதர் இயங்கினார். இப்போது மறுபடியும் இஸ்ரேல் தூதர் இலங்கையில் இயங்க அனுமதிக்கப்பட்டு இருக்கிறார். இது முஸ்லிம்களை அச்சப்படவைத்துள்ளது. ஸ்ரீலங்கா முஸ்லிம் காங்கிரஸ் இதற்குத் தனது எதிர்ப்பைத் தெரிவித்து உள்ளது. ஆனால், அதனை ராஜபக்ஷே மதித்ததாகத் தெரியவில்லை.
வீரம் விளைந்த ஈழத்தில் இப்போது விதவைகள் மட்டுமே உண்டு. சுற்றிலும் விளைநிலங்கள் இருக்க... நடுவில் வீடு அமைத்து வாழும் வழக்கம் அந்தப் பகுதி மக்களுக்கு உண்டு. நிலங்கள் தரைமட்டம் ஆனதுபோலவே மக்கள் வாழ்க்கையும் ஆனது. இளைஞர்கள் புலிகளாகக் கொல்லப்பட... முதியவர்கள் குண்டுகளால் தீர்க்கப்பட... எஞ்சியது பெண்கள் மட்டுமே. கொஞ்சம் வசதியானவர்கள் ராணுவத்துக்குப் பணம் கொடுத்துத் தப்பிவிட்டார்கள். மிச்சம் இருப்பவர்களுக்கு, அச்சுறுத்தும் சூழ்நிலையும் ஆரோக்கியமற்ற உணவும் மட்டுமே துணையிருப்பதால், உடம்பில் எந்தத் தெம்பும் இல்லாமல் மூச்சுக் குழாய் மட்டுமே இயங்குகிறது. போதிய ஊட்டச் சத்து இல்லாததால், பள்ளிக்கூடத்துக்குப் படிக்கப்போன பிள்ளைகள் உட்கார முடியாமல் மயங்கி விழும் கொடுமையைக் கேட்கவே கசக்கிறது.
அகதி என்ற வார்த்தைக்குச் சில உரிமைகளும் பல தேவைகளும் கிடைக்கும். ஆனால், ஈழத் தமிழனுக்கு எதுவும் இல்லை. கொத்தடிமைகளைவிடக் கேவலமான இழி அடிமைகளாக நடத்தப்படு கிறான். அகதி முகாமில் இருந்து ஊருக்குள் 'வாழ’ அனுப்பிவைக்கப்பட்ட மக்களுக்கு 12 கூரைத் தகடுகள், ஒன்றிரண்டு தார்ப் பாய்கள், மரக் கழிகள் வழங்குவோம் என்பது அரசாங்கத்தின் வாக்குறுதி. இதை வாங்குவதற்குள் பலரும் அவஸ்தையின் உச்சத்துக்குச் சென்றுவிடுவார்கள். தங்கள் நிலம் எது எனத் தெரியாததால், ஏதாவது கூலி வேலைக்குச் சென்று தினமும் கூலி வாங்கினால்தான் சாப்பாடு என்ற நிலை. கடைகள் போட முடியாது. ராணுவம் மிரட்டுகிறது. சிங்களக் கடைக்கு வேலைக் குப் போகலாம். அல்லது தெருவில் பாய் விரித்து எதையாவது விற்கலாம் என்பதே நிலைமை. பத்தடி தூரத்துக்கு ராணுவக் கண்களும் 'கன்’களும் இருப்பதால் தமிழ னால் எதுவுமே செய்ய முடியாது, படுத்துக் கிடப்பதைத் தவிர.
''தமிழ்ப் பகுதிகளை வளர்க்கத் திட்டம் போடுகிறேன்'' என்பது ராஜபக்ஷே சிரிக்காமல் சொல்லிவருவது. ஆனால், இந்த வளர்ச்சிகள் தமிழனுக்குப் பயன்படவில்லை என்பதுதான் உண்மை. எல்லா இடங்களி லும் சாலைகள் போடுகிறார்கள். இதுதான் வளர்ச்சி. யாழ்ப்பாணம் பல்கலைக் கழகத்தின் பொருளியல் துறைத் தலைவர் பேராசிரியர் வி.பி.சிவநாதன், ''அதிகாரத் தினை விரைவாகப் பிரயோகிக்கவே வீதிகள் அமைக்கப்படுகின்றன. ராணுவத் தளவாடங்களை இங்கு கொண்டுவருவ தற்கான நடவடிக்கைகளும் இதில் உண்டு. தெற்கில் உள்ள பெருமுதலாளிகள் இங்கு வந்து பொருட்களை எடுத்துச் செல்ல இவை பயன்படுகின்றன. கடல் உணவு களின் விலை என்னவென்று தெரியாமல், மீனவர்கள் தென்னிலங்கை முதலாளி களிடம் விற்றுவிட வேண்டி உள்ளது. எனவே, இந்த அபிவிருத்தியால் நாம் இழந்ததே அதிகம்'' என்று ஒரு பேட்டியில் கூறியுள்ளார். ''அபிவிருத்திக்காக அரசாங் கத்தினால் கொண்டுவரப்பட்ட வெளி நாட்டுப் பணம் ஏதோ ஒரு வகையில் தென்னிலங்கைக்கே திரும்பிச் செல்கிறது'' என்பதும் இவரது குற்றச்சாட்டு.
உலகத் தண்ணீர்த் தொட்டிக்குள் சிறு உருண்டையாகக் கிடக்கும் ஈழத்தில் நடப் பது உடனுக்குடன் உலக நாடுகளின் கவனத்துக்குச் சென்றுவிடுவதுதான் ஆறுத லான ஒரே விஷயம். ஈழக் கொடூரத்தை முழுமையாக விசாரிக்க ஐ.நா. மூவர் குழு அமைக்க முடிவெடுத்தது ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு முதல் நெருக்கடி. 'நாங்களே விசாரணை செய்கிறோம்’ என்று அவரே ஒரு குழு அமைத்து... நல்ல பிள்ளையாக அறிக்கையும் கொடுத்துக்கொண்டார். 'அந்த அறிக்கையின் மீது என்ன நடவடிக்கை எடுத்தாய்?’ என்று ஜெனீவா கேள்வி கேட்டதும்தான், இப்படி ஒரு விசாரணை கமிஷன் அமைத்திருக்க வேண்டாமோ என்ற சிந்தனையை ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு விதைத்தது. ஐ.நா. மன்றம் அக்டோபர் மாதம் வரை கெடு கொடுத்துள்ளது. தமிழர்களுக்கு, பாதிக்கப்பட்ட மக்களுக்கு என்ன நலத் திட்டங்கள் செய்யப்பட்டன என்பது முதல்... குற்றவாளிகளுக்கு எந்த மாதிரியான தண்டனை தரப்பட்டது என்பது வரை... பதில் சொல்ல வேண்டிய நெருக்கடி ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு உண்டு. அதற்கான அவகாசம் ஐந்து மாதங்கள்தான்.
இறந்தவர் ஆத்மா சாந்தி அடையும் நடவடிக்கையை அக்டோபரிலாவது ஐ.நா. எடுக்குமா?
நன்றி விகடன்
Read more!
by Pa. Thirumaavelan
Ananda Vikatan
2012.05.23
No matter how many flowers you plant to hide it, the stench from the edges of a cemetery never disappear. A 30-year land of war... 3 years before a land of death... today Eelam... a cemetery land!
No matter what magical object of mythical proportions from China, Russia, and Cuba that the Rajapakses bring over and sprinkle... the wails borne of blood that rise up in the middle of the night cannot be suppressed.
Everything not reaching the light appears like a Tiger to the frightened government. Only one person ever showed the Tiger flag, in the May Day parade, after which... rumblings in Colombo exploded like dynamite. (And there are people who call this is a government set-up!) It has become the daily work of the today's Ceylon government to figure out which Western countries are friends and which are enemies. Because Rajapakse passes the days worrying not about anyone including the Singhalese but being content only so long as his family is protected... in the last three years there has been no improvement whatsoever.
In the fourth year after the war ended, how are the Eelam politics, which are finding their feet?
Family War!
The factional fighting had already begun inside the oleander palace in Colombo to see who will be the next person to grab the next position after President Rajapakse. Gothabaya Rajapakse, who thought in the beginning that he needs to get the position next to his older brother, has now become quiet saying that the current taste of power is enough... the next brother and minister Basil Rajapakse has determined his own trajectory. But this is something that Mahinda Rajapakse's wife Siranthi does not like one bit. She insisted that the son is the one who should assume his father's title. This is how son Nimal Rajapakse became an M.P. Nimal, who stands in the forefront and continues to implement social programmes, is going to assume the responsibility of a minister of Ceylon within the next 2 months. In the war of "younger brother Basil? son Nimal?", who it is going to be will be known in one or two years.
Colonisation by Singhalese
It is because the North-East province is majority Tamil that we can talk about 'Tamil Eelam', right? Will it no longer be enough if Tamils are made to become the minority ethnicity? In the killing of Tamils, the population has decreased by 50%. Now, they're very hush-hush about the settlement of Singhalese in this area. In the areas where only 20 families existed, there are now 500 families.
Under the pretext of, "We're giving free homes to military soldiers," places for Singhalese soldiers are being handed out with blessings. The fisherman who come from Southern Lanka to fish... in just a few months had permanently settled in the Northeast Area. Tamils are not able to find their own homes and places. Because they were being constantly displaced, a lot of people do not have their land deeds. In total, everything is gone, and only Tamils are left remaining!
Everything is a Buddhist Centre!
Eelam - always a special holy site in Saivite religion. They have written about them a lot in the auspicious ancient literary works of the Saivite religion. After the war, attempts to make it a Buddhist land. Perhaps constructing new Buddhist temples, vihares is their right. But they're doing it doggedly with the attitude, "We're going to build only right next to Saiva temples." With several years of antiquity, the Thiruketheecharam auspicious temple is referred to as "Sivan-land". Very close to this temple, a statue of Buddha that weighs 1,500 kg is being built. Surrounding this village, there were 185 Tamil families. They blocked these families from resettling. Not only Kokki'laay, Kokkuththoduvaay... Everywhere in the Vanni region, the encroachment of the Buddhist religion and the ceremonious installations of statues of Buddha are happening abundantly!
A gun shot at the Muslims, too!
After finishing off the Tamils, Muslims' necks have been caught by the Singhalese. By saying, "Islam is also inimical to the Buddhist religion," an intense gaze is landing on them. That the front entrance of the Dambulla school was attacked is the beginning of this. During the time 20 years ago when Premadasa was Prime Minister, the decision was made that there should not be an Israeli embassy in Ceylon. Therefore, the ambassador for Ceylon worked out of India. Now, the Israeli ambassador is once again allowed to operate in Ceylon. This has made the Muslims become afraid. The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress has expressed its opposition to this. But it does not seem that Rajapakshe respected this.
No males; widows exist!
In Eelam, which has produced valour, now only widows remain. All around, there are fertile lands... There is a tradition among the people who live in those areas to build a house in the middle of those lands. As if the lands have become flattened to the ground, so too have their lives become. As youngsters get killed in the same way as Tigers... senior citizens' lives are ended by bombs... what remains is only women. People with a little bit of means gave money to the SL Army and escaped. Since the only companions of the remaining people are a threatening environment and un-nutritious food, there is no strength in their bodies and only a windpipe functions. Because there is not enough nutritional value, that the students who go to school to study cannot sit and faint is a hardship that is bitter even just to hear.
Not refugees; slaves!
With the word "refugee", there are certain rights and many needs associated. But Eelam Tamils have none of that. Tamils are treated more lowly and humiliatingly than helpless serfs. For the people who have been sent from the refugee camps to "live" in the towns, the government promise was, "We'll give 12 roofing sheets, one or two tarpaulins, and wooden staffs" Before they will receive this, many will end up at the height of agony. Because they don't know which one their land is, the state of things is that food comes only if they take any sort of daily wage labour job and receive their wage every single day. Can't open a shop. The Army harasses and threatens. You can go work for a Singhalese shop. Or you can go in the street, spread a straw mat on the ground, and sell whatever you can. That is the situation. Because they are 10 feet away from the SL army's eyes (kangal) and guns ("gun"gal), Tamils cannot do anything, unless it is to lie down and lay there.
Development for whom?
"I am drawing up plans to develop the Tamil areas," Rajapakse continues to say without laughing. But, the truth is that these developments do not benefit the Tamil person. They are putting roads in every place. This is development. Jaffna University Economics Department Chair Vi. Pi. Sivanathan, "Roads are being built in order to distribute power. Operations to transport military hardware here are also a part of this. These are useful for the business magnates in the South to come here and take things away. Because they do not know the price seafood, fishermen have to sell to Southern Lankan business owners. This is to say, because of this development, we have lost very much," said in an interview. "All of the foreign money that is being brought in by the government for the sake of development ends up getting re-routed, in one way or another, to Southern Lanka," is his accusation.
A small sphere in the world's grasp
Eelam is a small sphere that lays in the water trough of the world, and the only consolation is that everything that happens in Eelam reaches the attention of the world's countries play-by-play. Rajapakse's first difficulty is the U.N.'s decision to fully investigate the Eelam brutality. "We will do the investigation ourselves," he said, creating his own group... He gave his own report as a good kid. As soon as the question was raised in Geneva, "Based on that report, what actions have you taken?" maybe such a commission should not be formed is an idea that formed in Rajapakse's mind. The U.N. forum has given a deadline of October. From what wellness plans for Tamils and affected peoples have been completed... all the way to what punishment has been given to the criminals... Rajapakse is in the tight spot of having to give an answer. Only 5 months for the duration of that.
At least in October, will the U.N. take actions that will let the souls of the dead attain peace?
ஈழம் இன்று..!கொழும்பில் குடும்பச் சண்டை! வன்னியில் குடும்பமே இல்லை!
ப.திருமாவேலன்
எத்தனை பூச்செடிகள் வைத்து மறைத்தாலும், மயானக் கரை நாற்றம் மறையாது. 30 ஆண்டு களாக யுத்
த பூமி... 3 ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன் மரண பூமி... இன்று ஈழம்... மயான பூமி!
சீனத்து சென்ட், ரஷ்ய அத்தர், கியூபா ஜவ்வாது என எதைக் கொண்டுவந்து ராஜபக்ஷேக்கள் தெளித்தாலும்... நள்ளிர வில் எழும் ரத்த ஓலங்களைக் கட்டுப்படுத்த முடியவில்லை.
அரண்டுகிடக்கும் அரசாங்கத்துக்கு இருண்டதெல்லாம் புலியாகத் தெரிகிறது. ஒரே ஒரு ஆள் புலிக் கொடியை, மே தின ஊர்வலத்தில் காட்ட... கொழும்பில் வெடி வெடித்த அளவுக்குக் குமுறல்கள். (இதை அரசாங்கத்தின் செட்- அப் என்று சொல்பவர்களும் உண்டு! ) உலக நாடுகளில் எது நண்பன், எது எதிரி என்பதைக் கண்டுபிடிப்பது மட்டுமே இன்றைய இலங்கை அரசாங்கத்தின் வேலையாகிவிட்டது. சிங்களவர் உட்பட எவரைப் பற்றிய கவலையும் இல்லாமல், தன் குடும்பம் காப்பாற்றப்பட்டால் போதும் என்ற நினைப்புடன் ராஜபக்ஷே நாட்களைக் கழித்ததால்... கடந்த மூன்று ஆண்டுகளில் எந்த முன்னேற்றமும் இல்லை.
போர் முடிந்து நான்காவது ஆண்டில் அடியெடுத்துவைக்கும் ஈழ அரசியல் எப்படி இருக்கிறது?
குடும்ப யுத்தம்!
ஜனாதிபதி ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு அடுத்த இடத்தை யார் பிடிப்பது என்ற கோஷ்டி யுத்தம் கொழும்பு அலரி மாளிகைக்கு உள்ளே தொடங்கிவிட்டது. அண்ணனுக்கு அடுத்த இடத்துக்கு வர வேண்டும் என்று ஆரம்பத்தில் நினைத்த கோத்தபய ராஜபக்ஷே, இன்றைய அதிகார ருசியே போதும் என அமைதியாகிவிட... அடுத்த தம்பியும் அமைச்சருமான பசில் ராஜபக்ஷே தனது இலக்கைத் தீர்மானித்துவிட்டார். ஆனால், இது மகிந்த ராஜபக்ஷேவின் மனைவி சிராந்திக்குக் கொஞ்ச மும் பிடிக்கவில்லை. அப்பாவின் பட்டத்தை மகன்தான் ஏற்க வேண்டும் என்று பிடி வாதம் பிடித்தார். மகன் நிமல் ராஜபக்ஷே, எம்.பி. ஆனது இப்படித்தான். சமூக சேவைக் காரியங்களை முன்னின்று செயல்படுத்திவரும் நிமல், இன்னும் இரண்டு மாதங்களில் இலங்கையில் அமைச்சராகவும் பொறுப்பேற்கப்போகிறார். தம்பி பசிலா; மகன் நிமலா என்ற யுத்தத்தில், இருக்கப்போவது யார் என்று இரண்டொரு ஆண்டுகளில் தெரிந்துவிடும்.
சிங்களவர் குடியேற்றம்!
வடக்கு, கிழக்கு மாகாணத்தில் தமிழர் பெரும்பான்மையாக இருந்தால்தானே 'தமிழ் ஈழம்’ என்றெல்லாம் பேச முடியும்? இந்தப் பகுதியில் தமிழர்களைச் சிறு பான்மையினர் ஆக்கிவிட்டால் போதாதா? தமிழர்களைக் கொன்றதில் பாதி சதவிகிதம் குறைந்தது. இப்போது இந்தப் பகுதியில் சிங்களவர்களைக் குடியேற்றுவதில் மும்முர மாக உள்ளார்கள். 20 சிங்களக் குடும்பங்கள் இருந்த பகுதிகளில் இப்போது 500 குடும் பங்கள் உள்ளன.
'ராணுவ வீரர்களுக்கு இலவசமாகக் கொடுக்கிறோம்’ என்ற பெயரில் சிங்கள வீரர்களுக்கு இடங்கள் தாரை வார்க்கப் படுகின்றன. இதைவைத்துக் குடும்பம் குடும்பமாகக் குடியேறுகிறார்கள். தெற்கு இலங்கையில் இருந்து மீன் பிடிப்பதற்காக வரும் சிங்கள மீனவர்கள்... ஒரு சில மாதங்களில் வட கிழக்குப் பகுதியில் நிரந்தரமாகத் தங்கிவிட்டார்கள். தமிழர்கள் தங்களது நிலங்களைக் கண்டுபிடிக்கவும் முடியவில்லை. இடம்பெயர்ந்துகொண்டே இருந்ததால் பலரிடம் நிலப் பத்திரங்களும் இல்லை. மொத்தத்தில் எல்லாமே தொலைந்துபோய் நிற்கிறான் தமிழன்!
சர்வம் புத்தமயம்!
ஈழம் - எப்போதும் சைவத் திருத்தலம். சைவத்துக்கு அவர்கள் அருளிய இலக்கியங் களே அவ்வளவு இருக்கும். யுத்தத்துக்குப் பிறகு புத்த பூமியாக ஆக்க முயற்சித்தார்கள். புதிய புத்த கோயில்கள், விகாரைகள் எழுப்புவதுகூட அவர்கள் உரிமையாக இருக்கலாம். ஆனால், சைவத் தலங்களுக்குப் பக்கத்தில்தான் அமைப்போம் என்று அடம்பிடித்துச் செய்கிறார்கள். பலஆண்டு பழமையான திருக்கேதீச்சரம் திருக்கோயில், சிவபூமி என்று அழைக்கப்படும். இந்தக் கோயிலுக்கு அருகில் 1,500 கிலோ எடை கொண்ட புத்தர் சிலை அமைக்கப்படுகிறது. இந்த கிராமத்தைச் சுற்றி 185 தமிழ்க் குடும் பங்கள் இருந்தன. அவர்களைக் குடியேற விடாமல் தடுத்தார்கள். கொக்கிளாய், கொக்குத் தொடுவாய் மட்டும் அல்ல... வன்னிப் பிரதேசம் எங்குமே பௌத்த மதத்தின் ஆக்கிரமிப்பும் புத்த சிலைகளின் பிரதிஷ்டைகளும் தாராளமாக நடக்கின்றன!
முஸ்லிம்களுக்கும் வேட்டு!
தமிழர்களை முடித்த பிறகு, முஸ்லிம்களின் கழுத்து சிங்களவர்களிடம் சிக்கியுள்ளது. புத்த மதத்துக்கு இஸ்லாமும் எதிரானதே என்று சொல்லி, இப்போது அவர்கள் மீது பார்வை பதிந்துள்ளது. தம்புள்ளை பள்ளிவாசல் சமீபத்தில் தாக்கப்பட்டது இதற்கான தொடக்கம். 20 ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன் பிரேமதாசா பிரதம ராக இருந்த காலத்தில், இலங்கையில் இஸ்ரேல் தூதரகம் இருக்கக் கூடாது என முடிவு எடுக்கப்பட்டது. அதனால், இந்தியா வில் இருந்து இலங்கைக்கான இஸ்ரேல் தூதர் இயங்கினார். இப்போது மறுபடியும் இஸ்ரேல் தூதர் இலங்கையில் இயங்க அனுமதிக்கப்பட்டு இருக்கிறார். இது முஸ்லிம்களை அச்சப்படவைத்துள்ளது. ஸ்ரீலங்கா முஸ்லிம் காங்கிரஸ் இதற்குத் தனது எதிர்ப்பைத் தெரிவித்து உள்ளது. ஆனால், அதனை ராஜபக்ஷே மதித்ததாகத் தெரியவில்லை.
ஆண்கள் இல்லை; விதவைகள் உண்டு!
வீரம் விளைந்த ஈழத்தில் இப்போது விதவைகள் மட்டுமே உண்டு. சுற்றிலும் விளைநிலங்கள் இருக்க... நடுவில் வீடு அமைத்து வாழும் வழக்கம் அந்தப் பகுதி மக்களுக்கு உண்டு. நிலங்கள் தரைமட்டம் ஆனதுபோலவே மக்கள் வாழ்க்கையும் ஆனது. இளைஞர்கள் புலிகளாகக் கொல்லப்பட... முதியவர்கள் குண்டுகளால் தீர்க்கப்பட... எஞ்சியது பெண்கள் மட்டுமே. கொஞ்சம் வசதியானவர்கள் ராணுவத்துக்குப் பணம் கொடுத்துத் தப்பிவிட்டார்கள். மிச்சம் இருப்பவர்களுக்கு, அச்சுறுத்தும் சூழ்நிலையும் ஆரோக்கியமற்ற உணவும் மட்டுமே துணையிருப்பதால், உடம்பில் எந்தத் தெம்பும் இல்லாமல் மூச்சுக் குழாய் மட்டுமே இயங்குகிறது. போதிய ஊட்டச் சத்து இல்லாததால், பள்ளிக்கூடத்துக்குப் படிக்கப்போன பிள்ளைகள் உட்கார முடியாமல் மயங்கி விழும் கொடுமையைக் கேட்கவே கசக்கிறது.
அகதிகள் அல்ல; அடிமைகள்!
அகதி என்ற வார்த்தைக்குச் சில உரிமைகளும் பல தேவைகளும் கிடைக்கும். ஆனால், ஈழத் தமிழனுக்கு எதுவும் இல்லை. கொத்தடிமைகளைவிடக் கேவலமான இழி அடிமைகளாக நடத்தப்படு கிறான். அகதி முகாமில் இருந்து ஊருக்குள் 'வாழ’ அனுப்பிவைக்கப்பட்ட மக்களுக்கு 12 கூரைத் தகடுகள், ஒன்றிரண்டு தார்ப் பாய்கள், மரக் கழிகள் வழங்குவோம் என்பது அரசாங்கத்தின் வாக்குறுதி. இதை வாங்குவதற்குள் பலரும் அவஸ்தையின் உச்சத்துக்குச் சென்றுவிடுவார்கள். தங்கள் நிலம் எது எனத் தெரியாததால், ஏதாவது கூலி வேலைக்குச் சென்று தினமும் கூலி வாங்கினால்தான் சாப்பாடு என்ற நிலை. கடைகள் போட முடியாது. ராணுவம் மிரட்டுகிறது. சிங்களக் கடைக்கு வேலைக் குப் போகலாம். அல்லது தெருவில் பாய் விரித்து எதையாவது விற்கலாம் என்பதே நிலைமை. பத்தடி தூரத்துக்கு ராணுவக் கண்களும் 'கன்’களும் இருப்பதால் தமிழ னால் எதுவுமே செய்ய முடியாது, படுத்துக் கிடப்பதைத் தவிர.
வளர்ச்சி யாருக்காக?
''தமிழ்ப் பகுதிகளை வளர்க்கத் திட்டம் போடுகிறேன்'' என்பது ராஜபக்ஷே சிரிக்காமல் சொல்லிவருவது. ஆனால், இந்த வளர்ச்சிகள் தமிழனுக்குப் பயன்படவில்லை என்பதுதான் உண்மை. எல்லா இடங்களி லும் சாலைகள் போடுகிறார்கள். இதுதான் வளர்ச்சி. யாழ்ப்பாணம் பல்கலைக் கழகத்தின் பொருளியல் துறைத் தலைவர் பேராசிரியர் வி.பி.சிவநாதன், ''அதிகாரத் தினை விரைவாகப் பிரயோகிக்கவே வீதிகள் அமைக்கப்படுகின்றன. ராணுவத் தளவாடங்களை இங்கு கொண்டுவருவ தற்கான நடவடிக்கைகளும் இதில் உண்டு. தெற்கில் உள்ள பெருமுதலாளிகள் இங்கு வந்து பொருட்களை எடுத்துச் செல்ல இவை பயன்படுகின்றன. கடல் உணவு களின் விலை என்னவென்று தெரியாமல், மீனவர்கள் தென்னிலங்கை முதலாளி களிடம் விற்றுவிட வேண்டி உள்ளது. எனவே, இந்த அபிவிருத்தியால் நாம் இழந்ததே அதிகம்'' என்று ஒரு பேட்டியில் கூறியுள்ளார். ''அபிவிருத்திக்காக அரசாங் கத்தினால் கொண்டுவரப்பட்ட வெளி நாட்டுப் பணம் ஏதோ ஒரு வகையில் தென்னிலங்கைக்கே திரும்பிச் செல்கிறது'' என்பதும் இவரது குற்றச்சாட்டு.
உலகின் பிடியில் சிறு உருண்டை!
உலகத் தண்ணீர்த் தொட்டிக்குள் சிறு உருண்டையாகக் கிடக்கும் ஈழத்தில் நடப் பது உடனுக்குடன் உலக நாடுகளின் கவனத்துக்குச் சென்றுவிடுவதுதான் ஆறுத லான ஒரே விஷயம். ஈழக் கொடூரத்தை முழுமையாக விசாரிக்க ஐ.நா. மூவர் குழு அமைக்க முடிவெடுத்தது ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு முதல் நெருக்கடி. 'நாங்களே விசாரணை செய்கிறோம்’ என்று அவரே ஒரு குழு அமைத்து... நல்ல பிள்ளையாக அறிக்கையும் கொடுத்துக்கொண்டார். 'அந்த அறிக்கையின் மீது என்ன நடவடிக்கை எடுத்தாய்?’ என்று ஜெனீவா கேள்வி கேட்டதும்தான், இப்படி ஒரு விசாரணை கமிஷன் அமைத்திருக்க வேண்டாமோ என்ற சிந்தனையை ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு விதைத்தது. ஐ.நா. மன்றம் அக்டோபர் மாதம் வரை கெடு கொடுத்துள்ளது. தமிழர்களுக்கு, பாதிக்கப்பட்ட மக்களுக்கு என்ன நலத் திட்டங்கள் செய்யப்பட்டன என்பது முதல்... குற்றவாளிகளுக்கு எந்த மாதிரியான தண்டனை தரப்பட்டது என்பது வரை... பதில் சொல்ல வேண்டிய நெருக்கடி ராஜபக்ஷேவுக்கு உண்டு. அதற்கான அவகாசம் ஐந்து மாதங்கள்தான்.
இறந்தவர் ஆத்மா சாந்தி அடையும் நடவடிக்கையை அக்டோபரிலாவது ஐ.நா. எடுக்குமா?
நன்றி விகடன்
Read more!
Wednesday, June 13, 2012
News: R. Sampanthan's speech at 14th ITAK convention
Speech at 14th ITAK Convention
by Mr. R. Sampanthan, MP, Batticaola, May 28, 2012
Mr. Sampanthan’s speech at the 14th Annual ITAK convention ( May 2012) – English translation
My greetings to all respected delegates of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi
I sincerely welcome you all - the life and vitality of our party – to our National Convention here in Batticaloa.
As those in service to the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, which has become the political symbol of the Tamil Nation, with its own political culture and ideals, we are proud to gather here for its 14th National Convention in the year 2012.
We are gathered here in hope and expectation, in circumstances never before experienced since Sri Lanka is said to have gained independence, 60 years ago.
We are gathered here as the single most recognized political organization both here and abroad, which embodies the political aspirations of the Tamil people.
We remember upto hundred thousand of our people who have been killed, merely for demanding the fundamental rights that belonged to them, and for the legitimate rights of self determination and governance.
We remember the Tamil youth who sacrificed their lives in armed struggle, which they resorted to on the failure of their peaceful struggle for the political rights and freedoms of their people.
We gather here following our victory in the passage of the recent Resolution at the UN Human Rights Council, a condemnation against the Sri Lankan government by the international community, which has recognized that the Sri Lankan government has committed the crime of extermination against our people, and that it continues to deny them their political rights.
Respected delegates,
The Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi was created by S.J.V. Chelvanayagam, the father of Tamil Nation, for the purpose of establishing self determination of the Tamil people on this island.
This objective is evident in both the name of the party and in the manner in which it operates.
This objective is also based on the history of our people. The Tamil people do not only have distinct social and cultural norms, but, in times past, were even economically self sufficient.
Upto 500 years ago, the Tamil people established their own governments, and governed themselves. Our party symbolizes a time in history, until the entire country was, for administrative convenience, ruled as one Nation by colonial powers, during which our people had their own sovereign Tamil governments.
The symbol of our party chosen for us by our founder – the House – also symbolizes this. This House is the Home of our community; our community’s historical habitat; our community’s sovereignty. Our fundamental objective is to regain our community’s Home, its historical habitat and its sovereignty. The symbol of the House symbolizes this unshakeable aim.
In the same way that, 6 decades ago, history saw the political origins of our party, 10 years ago history saw the emergence of a political vessel appropriate to the freedom struggle of our people during that time. This is the vessel that has assumed leadership of Tamil political parties that have, based on their common values, united under the umbrella of the Tamil National Alliance. This vessel of leadership has been shaped by our party’s unique history and tradition.
It is the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi that is the leader of this new Alliance, and that is how it will always be seen in the future.
Following the end of the armed conflict today, it is those of us in the Tamil National Alliance, led by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, who primarily represent the Tamil people. We are the single largest party elected by the Tamil people with certainty, courage, and strength, in an environment of absolute militarization, under the rule of the Sri Lankan government, in the midst of innumerable pressures. Thus, we are now the legitimate representatives of the Tamil people. Further, it is to the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, which does not have any history of armed struggle, which has always rejected such struggle, which has a longtime democratic tradition, which has always put forward realistic proposals, that the international community has given the most recognition. This recognition has now grown to include the Tamil National Alliance as well.
My dear friends,
The struggle for the political rights of the Tamil nation has now entered an entirely new chapter. It is our responsibility as leaders of the party, leading this struggle in this new era, to explain to you, our supporters, and to the Tamil people, who have elected us as their representatives, the policy of our party.
The 30 years following Sri Lanka’s independence in 1958 were, for the Tamil people, filled with betrayal and humiliation. Agreements with the Tamil people and promises made to the Tamil people were broken. Constitutional amendments were brought in, rejecting the right of Tamil people to live as equals in Sri Lanka. The peaceful struggle of the Tamil people seeking justice was brutally quenched by armed violence.
What clearly emerged during this time of degradation of the Tamil people was that the Tamil community lacked a source of power – both from within and outside it. Following this history of humiliation and betrayal, a position emerged that the only solution to this problem was the establishment of a separate government for the Tamil people. It was on this basis that the Tamil United Liberation Front, of which our party was a member, took the historical decision to establish the separate government of Tamil Eelam in 1976. Based on this decision of our party,
and the need to place ourselves in a position of strength, Tamil youth decided to oppose violence with violence and began to rise up as armed rebel groups.
Historically, it was the violence against the Tamil people that drove them to take up violence themselves. When peaceful struggle was consistently and brutally quenched by violent means, Tamil youth were forced to resort to violence.
Frustrated by the inability to achieve anything by peaceful means, Tamil youth were driven to resort to armed struggle.
The 30 years of violent political struggle starting from the 1980s is a deep-rooted chapter in the history of the Tamil people. This chapter of blood, tears, courage, despair and great destruction achieved two things:
One was the rapid growth of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, which became a great force within the Tamil community. The other was the intervention of India, which, together with all its weaknesses, was a potential source of power from outside the Tamil community.
The intervention of India was an inevitable chapter in the history of our political struggle. The intervention of India has clearly taught us the lesson that whatever our aspirations may be, India will never welcome a political solution in Sri Lanka that does not accord with the interests of India. However, using the intervention of India to our benefit, together with its assistance and blessing, we grasped an opportunity to arrive at a political solution that would enable us to live with dignity within a united Sri Lanka.
Looking beyond our opinions concerning the matter, the intervention of India was historically inevitable. The political and diplomatic means of using this opportunity for either our benefit or our detriment lay in our hands. Despite the great force within our people, achieving Tamil Eelam was becoming an increasingly unrealistic goal. Thus, instead of sacrificing more lives to this cause, our party, with the help of India, began supporting a solution that allowed the Tamil people to live within a united Sri Lanka without compromising their fundamental rights.
The struggle of our people for the past 60 years, by both peaceful and violent means, has taught us many lessons. It has brought us closer together as a community. The price we have paid for these lessons may be high, however, they will prove to be foundation stones for the next steps of our journey towards a bright political future for our community. A most important lesson we have learnt from the past 60 years – particularly from the past 30 years of violent
conflict – is that we should act strategically, with the awareness that global powers will act based on their domestic interests.
The rise and fall of the LTTE taught us that regardless of how strong such a movement may be, or how just its demands may be, it is not realistic for the Tamil people to resort to violent political struggle. Further, a struggle that runs counter to the values of the international community, built only on military might, will not prevail. It is for this reason, that in the new environment created by various global influences, we have, together with the support and assistance of the international community, found new ways of continuing with our struggle.
There is no need for fear that the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi has strayed from the objectives and aspirations of its forefathers, or that it will lead the Tamil National Alliance down the wrong path. With the destruction of their bargaining might, the Tamil people stood destitute, unable any longer to effectively engage in negotiations toward a political solution, and faced with a dark future. Today, the only hope it has is the interest and involvement of the international
community in the reasonable demands on which our struggle is based. It is this that stands as a force for us, from outside our community, today. We must not forget the lesson history taught us, of the difference of opinion we had with India that not only caused it to distance itself from us for the past 20 years, but even caused it to work against us. We want to ensure that we do not act such a manner again, and thus alienate ourselves from the international community.
The softening of our stance concerning certain issues, and the compromise we show in other issues, are diplomatic strategies to ensure that we do not alienate the international community.
They are not indications that we have abandoned our fundamental objectives.
Respected delegates,
Our expectation for a solution to the ethnic problem of the sovereignty of the Tamil people is based on a political structure outside that of a unitary government, in a united Sri Lanka in which Tamil people have all the powers of government needed to live with self respect and self sufficiency. We believe that only within such a structure of government can the Tamil people truly enjoy the right to internal self-determination that is their inalienable right.
The position that the North and East of Sri Lanka are the areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people cannot be compromised in this structure of government. We must have unrestricted authority to govern our own land, protect our own people, and develop our own economy, culture and tradition. Powers must be allocated under this structure based on the understanding that meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution passed in 1987. This position has been accepted by our party. Our acceptance of
this position does not mean that we consider the 13 th Amendment to be an acceptable solution, nor that, in the event our right to internal self determination is continuously denied, we will not claim our right under international law to external self determination. It only means that this is the only realistic solution today.
The above solution is also one that is likely to be acceptable to members of the international community including India and the United States, whose support and assistance is necessary in order for us to succeed in our struggle for political autonomy today.
Further, since the thinking today is that whatever political solution that is arrived at must be one within a united Sri Lanka, the above solution is one that those in Sri Lanka cannot oppose as unreasonable.
Any solution to the ethnic problem concerning the sovereignty of the Tamil people must also be acceptable to the Muslim community in Sri Lanka. The structure of government in Sri Lanka must also allow the Muslim community to fulfill their social, economic and political aspirations.
The leaders of this country must wholeheartedly come forward to arrive at a solution that will enable the Tamil speaking peoples of Sri Lanka to achieve their civil, political, economic, social and cultural aspirations. This solution should constitutionally entrench the legal right of the Tamil speaking peoples of this country to take democratic decisions relating to their political aspirations.
My greatly respected friends,
Now is the time to be patient.
The world has recognized that the Tamil people have faced continuous political persecution, and that this persecution has begun to manifest itself in new ways in recent times. The world has recognized that great destruction took place during the final phase of the war. The international community that supported the government diplomatically and militarily during the war, has now begun to exert pressure on the Sri Lankan government to fulfill the promises it made to them. This includes the promise to arrive at a political solution acceptable to the
Tamil people on the conclusion of the war. Exasperated by the failure of the Sri Lankan government to fulfill its promises three years after the conclusion of the war, the international community has begun to exert diplomatic pressure on the government.
Now is the time to be patient.
During this time, in which the international community is greatly involved in the ethnic problem involving the Tamil people, we must work in co-operation with them; we must consider their advice to us, and we must give advice to them.
If we behave in a manner that results in the international community getting embroiled in problems or controversy it is our community that will face the consequences. Our priority now is to expose the Sri Lankan government that for so many years in the past attempted to describe the ethnic problem and a ‘terrorist problem’. We must clearly prove to the international community that the Sri Lankan government, which has delayed for so long in giving the Tamil people their rights, has never made any genuine effort to do so. In other words
– we must prove to the international community that we will never be able to realize our rights within a united Sri Lanka. We must be patient until the international community realizes for itself that the effort we are involved in is doomed to fail. To put it more strongly, the international community must realize through its own experience, without us having to tell them, that the racist Sri Lankan government will never come forward and give political power to the Tamil people in a united Sri Lanka.
Until then, we must be patient.
The world does not revolve around the axis of justice. The freedom struggles of persecuted communities are not measured on the scales of justice. Global powers that preach of Democracy and Human Rights are themselves not the epitome of justice. We do not expect governments around the world and international organizations that support them to take pity on us, sacrifice their interests, and ensure that our rights are given to us. However, it is true that in recent times we have seen that the global community has not always been silent concerning serious human rights violations. Thus, if we can place ourselves at the point of
convergence between the national interests and human rights convictions of members of the international community, our rights too may be protected. We must continue to preserve a suitable environment for this to take place. We must act with caution and be careful not to do anything to disturb conditions favourable to us or to put the international community into a difficult position concerning this issue.
For this, we must be patient.
The international practice prevalent during the mid eighties, when the intervention of India occurred, has now changed. Although the issue at hand is the same, the prevailing conditions are different. The struggle is the same, but the approaches we employ are different. Our aim is the same, but our strategies are different. The players are the same, but the alliances are different. That is the nature of the Tamil people. Although we still have the same aim, the methods we use are now different. In the past the United States and India stood against us.
However in the favourable circumstances that have now come about, the United States and India are to a great extent supporting our position. The Sri Lankan government continues to maintain friendships with those standing against them. India’s vote in support of the Resolution presented by the United States at the UN Human Rights Council was a astonishing international development in our favour. This can only be seen as indication of future developments.
My respected friends. The current practices of the international community may give us an opportunity to achieve, without the loss of life, the soaring aspirations we were unable to achieve by armed force.
Because of this, we must be patient.
The strength of those of us in the Tamil National Alliance, led by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, is that we have been democratically elected. Our people elected us as their representatives in elections that were conducted legally, in a fair manner. We are a great political organization, that has received an immense source of support – that of the people. It is for this reason that the international community too respects our political actions, and gives us the recognition that is our due. However, if the world begins to perceive us to be extremist, or too rigid, or if they
believe that we have a hidden agenda to reignite violence, we will soon be ostracized from the diplomatic exercises in progress. We must show great care in our words and actions.
And so – we must be patient.
It is true that the 30 year long war greatly crippled the development of livelihoods in our community. It is also true that this war pushed our economic development back several decades. It is even true that the merciless war forced our people into a position where their daily existence has become a struggle.
It is true that a duty lies with us all to rescue ourselves, our community and our people from this agony, to uplift them an acceptable standard of living. But, my dear friends, we must not for this reason fall into the trap of the so called development being brought about by the Sri Lankan government. It is a devious trap to undermine the very existence of the Tamil people as a community. It is a death trap.
The Sri Lankan government is averse to our involvement in the rehabilitation of our people. It has not examined our proposals concerning our involvement in the reconstruction activities for our people. The Sri Lankan government has denied us our right to participate in schemes for the development of livelihoods of the very people we represent. This government is attempting to change the demographic composition of the traditional Tamil homeland, as part of its deceitful scheme to undermine the existence of the Tamil Nation. It is for this reason that we must take care not to, in our eagerness and haste to rescue our people from their suffering, fall into this trap. We must act with wisdom and caution.
However, an environment in which we may fulfill our duties is slowly coming into existence. The intervention of the international community and the pressure being exerted upon the Sri Lankan government will oblige the government to include us in the efforts being made to assistour people. Inevitably, the Sri Lankan government will eventually be forced to include our participation in schemes being implemented for the economic development of our people.
However, until then, we must be patient.
Our patience however, will not be everlasting. Our patience too, has its limits. Once we have reached that limit, we will move onto the stage of our effort. We will not hesitate to gather our people together and with the support of progressive forces in our country, and the international community, even engage in a non-violent struggle. We will decide on specific deadlines and when the time comes for such action, we will act.
However, before we implement this plan of action, as we wholeheartedly attempt to arrive at a political solution, we must give adequate time to all the powers involved in the ethnic crisis to arrive at an acceptable solution. To allow this to take place, we must be patient. Being patient is in itself, a powerful diplomatic strategy.
My dear delegates,
On behalf of those of us, the legitimate representative of the Tamil people, gathered here, I wish to clearly explain our position to the Sinhala people, the Rajapakse government, and the international community.
Dear Sinhala friends,
Our political aspiration to acquire the rights due to us, and the right to govern our civil, political, economic, social and cultural affairs ourselves is a reasonable demand. It is a just aspiration; an aspiration that has its roots in history; it is even a fundamental right of our people. The solution we propose for the achievement of our political aspiration will not undermine the sovereignty
of another people. It does not hide a devious agenda seeking to divide the country. It does not seek to damage the interests of another country. We appeal to you to understand the fundamental issue which is that just as you live in this country, in your traditional homeland, using the authority due to you, we too want to live in this country, in our traditional homeland with the authority due to us. You must thus reject policies that instigate ethnic division and hatred for the sake of personal political gain, understand and recognize the reasonable political
aspirations of the Tamil people, embrace them as brothers, and come forth to live in harmony in a united Sri Lanka.
However, the present Sri Lankan government does not have the political will to arrive at a concrete solution for the problems of the Tamil people. To the contrary, they are resorting to cunning plots to delay, avoid, and altogether abandon efforts to arrive at such a solution. The actions of the Rajapakse regime are all dishonest, immature and obtuse, and will only further entrench ethnic divisions. If this government continues to stubbornly cling onto this corrupt stance, it only means that it will result in degeneration the like of which this country has never
seen before. I state clearly that unless this government makes the proper use of this final opportunity to arrive at a solution for the problems of the Tamil people, and wholeheartedly unites with us, this country will have to face one of the worst declines in its history.
We have clearly asked for a solution within a united Sri Lanka, and we are committed to the achievement of such a goal. This solution must be reasonable, acceptable, realistic, and permanent. We are prepared to offer our cooperation and service to those committed to the achievement of such a solution.
I think it is appropriate to deliver this message to the Sinhala people in this gathering, on behalf of all of us who are representatives of the Tamil people.
Although we are deeply disappointed that the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the President places no emphasis on accountability relating to the manner in which the war was conducted, we feel that this report does contain some concrete recommendations. They are a guide to the achievement of true reconciliation and harmony.
The Commission made several recommendations for the achievement of ethnic harmony, including specifically, the need to reduce military presence in civilian areas, to return to people the lands that belong to them, investigations into human rights violations, the release of those being kept in detention and most importantly, promptly arriving at a political solution that includes maximum devolution of power. We ask that the government implement these
recommendations made by the Commission that it appointed itself. The government must, instead of always merely making promises, begin to act in a speedy and transparent manner.
The 30 year war uprooted hundreds of thousands of people from their homes.
While some of them left this country, today, 3 years after the war many thousands are still displaced, living as refugees in this country. The government should take immediate steps to resettle these people back in their homes. Speedy action must be of taken to resettle the people of Valikamam, Jaffna and Sampur, Trincomalee. The Sri Lankan government should accept and respect the
fundamental right of people to live in their own homes, and act with responsibility in this regard. The international community should pay more attention to this issue, and facilitate processes for the government to better fulfill their responsibility in this regard.
Many Tamil youth are in Sri Lankan prisons, with no hope for their future. While there are those who, three years after the war, have not been released and are still in detention, there are many who were captured and imprisoned after the war. These include those were captured by the military forces and those who surrendered themselves to the forces. Some have been charged, but as their cases have not yet been concluded they remain in detention for indefinite periods of time. There is no clear information regarding large numbers of those captured and those who surrendered themselves – secrecy surrounds their detention.
The parents and families of these youth suffer great agony over their plight. The Tamil people themselves share in this agony. The treatment of these youth reopens old wounds, instead of attempting to heal them. We have repeatedly raised this issue with the government, but have received no concrete response. Not one promise that has been made to us in this regard has been fulfilled. The government must take speedy action with regard to this issue. It must reveal
the truth regarding those arrested to their relatives; It must release detainees; it must understand that arriving at a concrete solution in this regard is essential for true reconciliation.
We thus strongly urge the Sri Lankan government to act sincerely in this regard and take steps to release all Tamil political prisoners.
I would also like to place frank emphasis on certain things that the global community must understand.
Including all those killed during the war, upto those killed during the final battle in 2009, several tens of thousands of innocent Tamils have been killed as a result of the war. It is thought that the way in which the war was conducted, and other incidents relating to the war, violated both International Human Rights law and International Humanitarian law. It has now been accepted internationally that a transparent, independent and proper investigations must take place to determine the truth of the manner in which the war was conducted.
The Panel of Experts appointed by the UN Secretary General also recommended such an investigation. Further, the Resolution passed at the recent UN Human Rights Council also emphasized on the government’s responsibility in this regard. Our position too, is that an inquiry should be conducted into the violations of International Human Rights law and International Humanitarian law during the war that is now over, in accordance with standards of International Human Rights law and International Humanitarian law. This is because we believe that an independent, transparent, legitimate investigation that is capable of determining the truth of what took place, which is acceptable to all parties involved and which
holds the respective parties responsible, is indispensable not only for the Rule of law in this country, but also for peace, harmony and reconciliation.
This is the final opportunity to bring lasting peace to this country. Countries that believe that lasting peace in Sri Lanka is in their local and international interests, must use this final opportunity that is now within their reach. History has taught us lessons through our non violent struggles for reasonable political demands that were all quenched by violence. The long history of violent suppression in 1956, 58, 61, 77, 81 and 83 made way for the war, which continued until 2009.
Once again the Tamil people fear that as we again begin our non violent struggle for our political rights, an environment is being created for such struggle to be quelled by violent means. All the warning signs indicate that this is so.
If such violence is used against us again, it will not only spell grave danger for the country, but will also result in great destruction for the Tamil people. It is thus the responsibility of the international community to prevent such violence being unleashed against the Tamil people.
Our people may have suffered loss and destruction and become weary and jaded from the long armed struggle; but the world must clearly understand that events after the war only cause anger, rage, and frustration in our people.
Plainly militarized surroundings; life that is under continuous military surveillance; the rigid control of the defence forces over civil administration; the longtime delay in creating opportunities for employment; the systematic corruption of economic, social and cultural lives of Tamil women and youth; Sinhalization that takes place both secretly and openly; systematically excluding representatives of the Tamil people from reconstruction and economic development schemes; deliberate steps being taken to change the demographic composition of the Tamil homeland; removing ethnic, religious, historical and cultural symbols of the Tamil speaking peoples from areas traditionally inhabited by the Tamil people and constructing
Buddhist temples and religious symbols in their place with the intention of destroying all traces of the Tamil people in those areas; none of these are signs of reconciliation. None of these are signs that the Tamil people are being treated as equals. None of these are signs that bring peace or hope to the Tamil people. These are all foundation stones for the destruction of the Tamil people, the like of which has never been seen before.
Let the international community, which preaches the doctrine of humanity and the principles for the advancement of the human race, be aware that here, on this island, a national ethnic group that has lived here for several tens of thousands of years, is now on the cusp of extermination. The global community must understand that the future of a great people with their own distinct standards of humanity is now in great danger. We must all come together to change this. This is our last opportunity to do this. The international community must understand that.
Respected delegates,
We must build up the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi so that it may prove to be a strong source of leadership to Sri Lanka’s Tamils. Built up from the grassroots, it must become a great movement of the people. This people’s movement built from within the people, by the people, for the people, must not only be a great political force, but must also a positive impact on the social, cultural and economic life of the people. Our blueprint for the future of our party must thus be accurate and far sighted, able to facilitate the future development of the party in multiple ways.
Our future plans must centre around women and youth, the pillars of the future
and important members of our society. The 30 long years of conflict gave us no opportunity to build up our party in a proper manner. We must thus see the present environment, in which we have the great love and support of our people, and the assistance of the international community, as an important opportunity for the service of our people, and use it wisely.
Women are the backbone of any society. A society will either stand straight and tall or bent and bowed depending on the manner in which the women in that society live. Historically, the Tamil woman has suffered indescribable pain and agony. Improving the social and economic lives of our women must be a foremost priority of our party.
Youth are the pillars of a society. The future leaders of a community, they are an indication of the future of the community itself. Our party must also begin today the task of strengthening the pillars of tomorrow with lessons of confidence, good behavior and the indispensable importance of knowledge.
The Tamil National Alliance provides strong leadership to all Tamils. When considering issues of development and deterioration of the Tamil people there can be no division of the Muslim, Hindu or Christian communities. In Sri Lanka’s new political environment in which the phrases ‘majority community’ and ‘minority community’ figure prominently, a most intelligent approach is for all Tamil speaking peoples to come together as ‘one people’. Thus, bringing together Tamil speaking peoples of the Hindu, Muslim and Christian communities to join in our journey to freedom must be a priority.
Our service must also reach areas outside the traditional homelands of the Tamil people, to the hill country and the South. We must make appropriate plans for our work in those areas as well, and include the Tamil speaking peoples of those areas in our movement.
The only way for minority ethnic groups in this country to preserve their ethnic, religious and cultural symbols and traditions is to join under the umbrella of Tamil speaking peoples.
I would also like to use this opportunity to appeal to the political parties that are a part of the Sri Lankan government, representing some of Sri Lanka’s Tamil speaking peoples.
The reason for the delay in arriving at a solution for the problems of the Tamil speaking peoples is the insincere, dishonest, harmful intention of the government. There may be personal and other reasons for parties representing some of Sri Lanka’s Tamil speaking peoples to offer their unconditional support to this government. However, these parties must not, in effect, assist this government in deliberately delaying arriving at a solution for the problem concerning the political rights of Tamil speaking peoples. These parties must not give the government an opportunity to fulfill its cunning plan to reduce the effectiveness of the solution that is arrived at, by claiming that it has the support of Tamil parties to arrive at a solution within a unitary state structure. These parties must come forward to act beyond personal and party interests and act in the in the interests of the people they represent. As representatives of the Tamil
speaking peoples we must put forward a strong proposal for a solution that does not call into question the sovereignty of the peoples we represent. I ask all parties to unite together for this purpose.
My dear friends,
We are greatly indebted to the service of Tamil people who are abroad. Despite having left their motherland, they continue to serve it because of their great love for their country and their people, and their devotion to their community. As an ordinary Tamil living in this country, I greatly respect them.
This gathering of those of us elected as representatives of our people is also an appropriate one to express our thoughts to our kin who are now abroad.
My respected friends,
Certain groups of Tamils living abroad, are of the opinion that the Tamil people in Sri Lanka have been completely defeated and are unable to expose the political situation here. This idea is not completely accurate. Quietly, but steadfastly, the Tamil people are talking about this situation. They are expressing themselves concerning the establishment of the inalienable political rights of our people. Their election of the Tamil National Alliance was in itself a strong and courageous message. In addition to the Tamil people, we, as representatives of the Tamil
people, are also openly expressing ourselves. I thus humbly appeal to the Tamil Diaspora, that the thinking that the Tamil people in Sri Lanka have been completely defeated and are unable to express themselves concerning their political aspirations must decrease.
Wherever our people may live – whether in the homeland, or abroad – those of us in the Tamil National Alliance will represent them all equally. However those who live abroad must think beyond their personal estimations and ideas, and always give importance to the situation of those living in the homeland.
The Diaspora must respect the political thinking of those living here. They must respect the courage with which they make decisions, and their ability to determine their own political destiny. The Diaspora must trust in these capabilities of the Tamil people living here. The Diaspora’s political initiatives, and public statements on behalf of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka must not negatively affect the situation here; they must not prove to be obstacles to our efforts here. It is the efforts that are made by the people in Sri Lanka, which are made in accordance with the situation in Sri Lanka, and with sensitivity to this situation, that will finally bring about concrete results for the Tamil Nation.
My dear friends,
We must declare that it is the Tamil Diaspora all over the world that is a source of great political and economic strength to those living in Sri Lanka. Their presence, movements and participation must always be promoted and respected. During the brutal war, and in the immediate aftermath of its violent conclusion, it is the Diaspora that strengthened and supported the Tamil people here. It is our heartfelt wish that their service will continue with the same vigour and momentum.
The Diaspora must be greatly involved in the improvement of the social and economic lives of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka. In this post war environment, they must work to increase their standard of living. It is the Diaspora that must create an environment that will be conducive to our people being able to stand on their own feet. This involvement must not be superficial but properly planned and implemented. It is our wish that the Diaspora create an economic structure distinctly suitable to our local environment for the benefit of our people here.
My respected friends,
Although we are here at a gathering of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, as it is the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi that gives leadership to the Tamil National Alliance, as the leader of both the Katchi and the Alliance I would also like to clarify the following matters.
It is natural for differences of opinion to arise within a democratic political party. Indeed, such differences of opinion must arise, for that is the basis of democracy. However, such differences of opinion must be raised within the party and resolved there. They must not be expressed in public forums. This is not a good practice. Such practices will not promote unity or resolve conflicting ideas. In fact, they will only promote conflict and encourage it to grow. They will lead to schisms within the party and will not only impact the party negatively, but will weaken our
community. As representatives of the people, we must never forget this. I would thus like to state with certainty and clarity that our party will not allow or encourage the modern political trend of publicizing internal conflicts that arise within the party. A defining characteristic of a democratic party is that it opens its doors to all kinds of opinions. Our party is such a party. As our aspirations are to improve the party and benefit the people, we welcome concrete ideas that will help in the journey towards that Sri Lanka. I would also like to state with certainty that we are determined in our desire to examine, select, internalize and implement constructive ideas and move on to the next stage of our journey.
My greatly respected friends
Our heartfelt desire continues to be that of creating a bright future for our people. We believe that the time is becoming ripe for this.
Our understanding and relationship with members of the international community including India and the United States that has come about by slow degrees, little by little, as a result of methodical, measured action and thinking, is becoming a source of strength for our community.
We believe that this has the potential to help us arrive at a concrete, permanent political solution for the ethnic problem our community faces.
You are the fountain for this hope we have.
What we need from you – is unity, trust, protection and co-operation.
You must build the genuine unity that is necessary to create an untainted force that will lead the Tamil Nation.
You must have faith that our every step is taken with great care along an honest and straightforward path with only one goal – to achieve lasting political freedom for our people.
You must study with care the deep significance of our every effort, and not obstruct or discredit these efforts, but protect and promote them.
Certain actions we take of a diplomatic nature, with deep political significance, must not be carelessly explained to our people, as this will only cause confusion and perplexity among them.
Instead, you must give us your full cooperation.
We remember all those who have lost their lives – more than a hundred thousand of our kin – in our struggle for freedom. It is with their blessings that we continue on this journey.
We will do all we can to reach the Sri Lanka they were unable to reach in the past, using the approach of the past, with the contemporary approaches of today’s world. We will do this for them, and for ourselves.
May this historical victory be our offering at the graves of those who have lost their lives, and may it make wholesome the withered lives of those who are alive today.
Thank you
Vanakkam.
Read more!
by Mr. R. Sampanthan, MP, Batticaola, May 28, 2012
Mr. Sampanthan’s speech at the 14th Annual ITAK convention ( May 2012) – English translation
My greetings to all respected delegates of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi
I sincerely welcome you all - the life and vitality of our party – to our National Convention here in Batticaloa.
As those in service to the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, which has become the political symbol of the Tamil Nation, with its own political culture and ideals, we are proud to gather here for its 14th National Convention in the year 2012.
We are gathered here in hope and expectation, in circumstances never before experienced since Sri Lanka is said to have gained independence, 60 years ago.
We are gathered here as the single most recognized political organization both here and abroad, which embodies the political aspirations of the Tamil people.
We remember upto hundred thousand of our people who have been killed, merely for demanding the fundamental rights that belonged to them, and for the legitimate rights of self determination and governance.
We remember the Tamil youth who sacrificed their lives in armed struggle, which they resorted to on the failure of their peaceful struggle for the political rights and freedoms of their people.
We gather here following our victory in the passage of the recent Resolution at the UN Human Rights Council, a condemnation against the Sri Lankan government by the international community, which has recognized that the Sri Lankan government has committed the crime of extermination against our people, and that it continues to deny them their political rights.
Respected delegates,
The Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi was created by S.J.V. Chelvanayagam, the father of Tamil Nation, for the purpose of establishing self determination of the Tamil people on this island.
This objective is evident in both the name of the party and in the manner in which it operates.
This objective is also based on the history of our people. The Tamil people do not only have distinct social and cultural norms, but, in times past, were even economically self sufficient.
Upto 500 years ago, the Tamil people established their own governments, and governed themselves. Our party symbolizes a time in history, until the entire country was, for administrative convenience, ruled as one Nation by colonial powers, during which our people had their own sovereign Tamil governments.
The symbol of our party chosen for us by our founder – the House – also symbolizes this. This House is the Home of our community; our community’s historical habitat; our community’s sovereignty. Our fundamental objective is to regain our community’s Home, its historical habitat and its sovereignty. The symbol of the House symbolizes this unshakeable aim.
In the same way that, 6 decades ago, history saw the political origins of our party, 10 years ago history saw the emergence of a political vessel appropriate to the freedom struggle of our people during that time. This is the vessel that has assumed leadership of Tamil political parties that have, based on their common values, united under the umbrella of the Tamil National Alliance. This vessel of leadership has been shaped by our party’s unique history and tradition.
It is the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi that is the leader of this new Alliance, and that is how it will always be seen in the future.
Following the end of the armed conflict today, it is those of us in the Tamil National Alliance, led by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, who primarily represent the Tamil people. We are the single largest party elected by the Tamil people with certainty, courage, and strength, in an environment of absolute militarization, under the rule of the Sri Lankan government, in the midst of innumerable pressures. Thus, we are now the legitimate representatives of the Tamil people. Further, it is to the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, which does not have any history of armed struggle, which has always rejected such struggle, which has a longtime democratic tradition, which has always put forward realistic proposals, that the international community has given the most recognition. This recognition has now grown to include the Tamil National Alliance as well.
My dear friends,
The struggle for the political rights of the Tamil nation has now entered an entirely new chapter. It is our responsibility as leaders of the party, leading this struggle in this new era, to explain to you, our supporters, and to the Tamil people, who have elected us as their representatives, the policy of our party.
The 30 years following Sri Lanka’s independence in 1958 were, for the Tamil people, filled with betrayal and humiliation. Agreements with the Tamil people and promises made to the Tamil people were broken. Constitutional amendments were brought in, rejecting the right of Tamil people to live as equals in Sri Lanka. The peaceful struggle of the Tamil people seeking justice was brutally quenched by armed violence.
What clearly emerged during this time of degradation of the Tamil people was that the Tamil community lacked a source of power – both from within and outside it. Following this history of humiliation and betrayal, a position emerged that the only solution to this problem was the establishment of a separate government for the Tamil people. It was on this basis that the Tamil United Liberation Front, of which our party was a member, took the historical decision to establish the separate government of Tamil Eelam in 1976. Based on this decision of our party,
and the need to place ourselves in a position of strength, Tamil youth decided to oppose violence with violence and began to rise up as armed rebel groups.
Historically, it was the violence against the Tamil people that drove them to take up violence themselves. When peaceful struggle was consistently and brutally quenched by violent means, Tamil youth were forced to resort to violence.
Frustrated by the inability to achieve anything by peaceful means, Tamil youth were driven to resort to armed struggle.
The 30 years of violent political struggle starting from the 1980s is a deep-rooted chapter in the history of the Tamil people. This chapter of blood, tears, courage, despair and great destruction achieved two things:
One was the rapid growth of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, which became a great force within the Tamil community. The other was the intervention of India, which, together with all its weaknesses, was a potential source of power from outside the Tamil community.
The intervention of India was an inevitable chapter in the history of our political struggle. The intervention of India has clearly taught us the lesson that whatever our aspirations may be, India will never welcome a political solution in Sri Lanka that does not accord with the interests of India. However, using the intervention of India to our benefit, together with its assistance and blessing, we grasped an opportunity to arrive at a political solution that would enable us to live with dignity within a united Sri Lanka.
Looking beyond our opinions concerning the matter, the intervention of India was historically inevitable. The political and diplomatic means of using this opportunity for either our benefit or our detriment lay in our hands. Despite the great force within our people, achieving Tamil Eelam was becoming an increasingly unrealistic goal. Thus, instead of sacrificing more lives to this cause, our party, with the help of India, began supporting a solution that allowed the Tamil people to live within a united Sri Lanka without compromising their fundamental rights.
The struggle of our people for the past 60 years, by both peaceful and violent means, has taught us many lessons. It has brought us closer together as a community. The price we have paid for these lessons may be high, however, they will prove to be foundation stones for the next steps of our journey towards a bright political future for our community. A most important lesson we have learnt from the past 60 years – particularly from the past 30 years of violent
conflict – is that we should act strategically, with the awareness that global powers will act based on their domestic interests.
The rise and fall of the LTTE taught us that regardless of how strong such a movement may be, or how just its demands may be, it is not realistic for the Tamil people to resort to violent political struggle. Further, a struggle that runs counter to the values of the international community, built only on military might, will not prevail. It is for this reason, that in the new environment created by various global influences, we have, together with the support and assistance of the international community, found new ways of continuing with our struggle.
There is no need for fear that the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi has strayed from the objectives and aspirations of its forefathers, or that it will lead the Tamil National Alliance down the wrong path. With the destruction of their bargaining might, the Tamil people stood destitute, unable any longer to effectively engage in negotiations toward a political solution, and faced with a dark future. Today, the only hope it has is the interest and involvement of the international
community in the reasonable demands on which our struggle is based. It is this that stands as a force for us, from outside our community, today. We must not forget the lesson history taught us, of the difference of opinion we had with India that not only caused it to distance itself from us for the past 20 years, but even caused it to work against us. We want to ensure that we do not act such a manner again, and thus alienate ourselves from the international community.
The softening of our stance concerning certain issues, and the compromise we show in other issues, are diplomatic strategies to ensure that we do not alienate the international community.
They are not indications that we have abandoned our fundamental objectives.
Respected delegates,
Our expectation for a solution to the ethnic problem of the sovereignty of the Tamil people is based on a political structure outside that of a unitary government, in a united Sri Lanka in which Tamil people have all the powers of government needed to live with self respect and self sufficiency. We believe that only within such a structure of government can the Tamil people truly enjoy the right to internal self-determination that is their inalienable right.
The position that the North and East of Sri Lanka are the areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people cannot be compromised in this structure of government. We must have unrestricted authority to govern our own land, protect our own people, and develop our own economy, culture and tradition. Powers must be allocated under this structure based on the understanding that meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution passed in 1987. This position has been accepted by our party. Our acceptance of
this position does not mean that we consider the 13 th Amendment to be an acceptable solution, nor that, in the event our right to internal self determination is continuously denied, we will not claim our right under international law to external self determination. It only means that this is the only realistic solution today.
The above solution is also one that is likely to be acceptable to members of the international community including India and the United States, whose support and assistance is necessary in order for us to succeed in our struggle for political autonomy today.
Further, since the thinking today is that whatever political solution that is arrived at must be one within a united Sri Lanka, the above solution is one that those in Sri Lanka cannot oppose as unreasonable.
Any solution to the ethnic problem concerning the sovereignty of the Tamil people must also be acceptable to the Muslim community in Sri Lanka. The structure of government in Sri Lanka must also allow the Muslim community to fulfill their social, economic and political aspirations.
The leaders of this country must wholeheartedly come forward to arrive at a solution that will enable the Tamil speaking peoples of Sri Lanka to achieve their civil, political, economic, social and cultural aspirations. This solution should constitutionally entrench the legal right of the Tamil speaking peoples of this country to take democratic decisions relating to their political aspirations.
My greatly respected friends,
Now is the time to be patient.
The world has recognized that the Tamil people have faced continuous political persecution, and that this persecution has begun to manifest itself in new ways in recent times. The world has recognized that great destruction took place during the final phase of the war. The international community that supported the government diplomatically and militarily during the war, has now begun to exert pressure on the Sri Lankan government to fulfill the promises it made to them. This includes the promise to arrive at a political solution acceptable to the
Tamil people on the conclusion of the war. Exasperated by the failure of the Sri Lankan government to fulfill its promises three years after the conclusion of the war, the international community has begun to exert diplomatic pressure on the government.
Now is the time to be patient.
During this time, in which the international community is greatly involved in the ethnic problem involving the Tamil people, we must work in co-operation with them; we must consider their advice to us, and we must give advice to them.
If we behave in a manner that results in the international community getting embroiled in problems or controversy it is our community that will face the consequences. Our priority now is to expose the Sri Lankan government that for so many years in the past attempted to describe the ethnic problem and a ‘terrorist problem’. We must clearly prove to the international community that the Sri Lankan government, which has delayed for so long in giving the Tamil people their rights, has never made any genuine effort to do so. In other words
– we must prove to the international community that we will never be able to realize our rights within a united Sri Lanka. We must be patient until the international community realizes for itself that the effort we are involved in is doomed to fail. To put it more strongly, the international community must realize through its own experience, without us having to tell them, that the racist Sri Lankan government will never come forward and give political power to the Tamil people in a united Sri Lanka.
Until then, we must be patient.
The world does not revolve around the axis of justice. The freedom struggles of persecuted communities are not measured on the scales of justice. Global powers that preach of Democracy and Human Rights are themselves not the epitome of justice. We do not expect governments around the world and international organizations that support them to take pity on us, sacrifice their interests, and ensure that our rights are given to us. However, it is true that in recent times we have seen that the global community has not always been silent concerning serious human rights violations. Thus, if we can place ourselves at the point of
convergence between the national interests and human rights convictions of members of the international community, our rights too may be protected. We must continue to preserve a suitable environment for this to take place. We must act with caution and be careful not to do anything to disturb conditions favourable to us or to put the international community into a difficult position concerning this issue.
For this, we must be patient.
The international practice prevalent during the mid eighties, when the intervention of India occurred, has now changed. Although the issue at hand is the same, the prevailing conditions are different. The struggle is the same, but the approaches we employ are different. Our aim is the same, but our strategies are different. The players are the same, but the alliances are different. That is the nature of the Tamil people. Although we still have the same aim, the methods we use are now different. In the past the United States and India stood against us.
However in the favourable circumstances that have now come about, the United States and India are to a great extent supporting our position. The Sri Lankan government continues to maintain friendships with those standing against them. India’s vote in support of the Resolution presented by the United States at the UN Human Rights Council was a astonishing international development in our favour. This can only be seen as indication of future developments.
My respected friends. The current practices of the international community may give us an opportunity to achieve, without the loss of life, the soaring aspirations we were unable to achieve by armed force.
Because of this, we must be patient.
The strength of those of us in the Tamil National Alliance, led by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, is that we have been democratically elected. Our people elected us as their representatives in elections that were conducted legally, in a fair manner. We are a great political organization, that has received an immense source of support – that of the people. It is for this reason that the international community too respects our political actions, and gives us the recognition that is our due. However, if the world begins to perceive us to be extremist, or too rigid, or if they
believe that we have a hidden agenda to reignite violence, we will soon be ostracized from the diplomatic exercises in progress. We must show great care in our words and actions.
And so – we must be patient.
It is true that the 30 year long war greatly crippled the development of livelihoods in our community. It is also true that this war pushed our economic development back several decades. It is even true that the merciless war forced our people into a position where their daily existence has become a struggle.
It is true that a duty lies with us all to rescue ourselves, our community and our people from this agony, to uplift them an acceptable standard of living. But, my dear friends, we must not for this reason fall into the trap of the so called development being brought about by the Sri Lankan government. It is a devious trap to undermine the very existence of the Tamil people as a community. It is a death trap.
The Sri Lankan government is averse to our involvement in the rehabilitation of our people. It has not examined our proposals concerning our involvement in the reconstruction activities for our people. The Sri Lankan government has denied us our right to participate in schemes for the development of livelihoods of the very people we represent. This government is attempting to change the demographic composition of the traditional Tamil homeland, as part of its deceitful scheme to undermine the existence of the Tamil Nation. It is for this reason that we must take care not to, in our eagerness and haste to rescue our people from their suffering, fall into this trap. We must act with wisdom and caution.
However, an environment in which we may fulfill our duties is slowly coming into existence. The intervention of the international community and the pressure being exerted upon the Sri Lankan government will oblige the government to include us in the efforts being made to assistour people. Inevitably, the Sri Lankan government will eventually be forced to include our participation in schemes being implemented for the economic development of our people.
However, until then, we must be patient.
Our patience however, will not be everlasting. Our patience too, has its limits. Once we have reached that limit, we will move onto the stage of our effort. We will not hesitate to gather our people together and with the support of progressive forces in our country, and the international community, even engage in a non-violent struggle. We will decide on specific deadlines and when the time comes for such action, we will act.
However, before we implement this plan of action, as we wholeheartedly attempt to arrive at a political solution, we must give adequate time to all the powers involved in the ethnic crisis to arrive at an acceptable solution. To allow this to take place, we must be patient. Being patient is in itself, a powerful diplomatic strategy.
My dear delegates,
On behalf of those of us, the legitimate representative of the Tamil people, gathered here, I wish to clearly explain our position to the Sinhala people, the Rajapakse government, and the international community.
Dear Sinhala friends,
Our political aspiration to acquire the rights due to us, and the right to govern our civil, political, economic, social and cultural affairs ourselves is a reasonable demand. It is a just aspiration; an aspiration that has its roots in history; it is even a fundamental right of our people. The solution we propose for the achievement of our political aspiration will not undermine the sovereignty
of another people. It does not hide a devious agenda seeking to divide the country. It does not seek to damage the interests of another country. We appeal to you to understand the fundamental issue which is that just as you live in this country, in your traditional homeland, using the authority due to you, we too want to live in this country, in our traditional homeland with the authority due to us. You must thus reject policies that instigate ethnic division and hatred for the sake of personal political gain, understand and recognize the reasonable political
aspirations of the Tamil people, embrace them as brothers, and come forth to live in harmony in a united Sri Lanka.
However, the present Sri Lankan government does not have the political will to arrive at a concrete solution for the problems of the Tamil people. To the contrary, they are resorting to cunning plots to delay, avoid, and altogether abandon efforts to arrive at such a solution. The actions of the Rajapakse regime are all dishonest, immature and obtuse, and will only further entrench ethnic divisions. If this government continues to stubbornly cling onto this corrupt stance, it only means that it will result in degeneration the like of which this country has never
seen before. I state clearly that unless this government makes the proper use of this final opportunity to arrive at a solution for the problems of the Tamil people, and wholeheartedly unites with us, this country will have to face one of the worst declines in its history.
We have clearly asked for a solution within a united Sri Lanka, and we are committed to the achievement of such a goal. This solution must be reasonable, acceptable, realistic, and permanent. We are prepared to offer our cooperation and service to those committed to the achievement of such a solution.
I think it is appropriate to deliver this message to the Sinhala people in this gathering, on behalf of all of us who are representatives of the Tamil people.
Although we are deeply disappointed that the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the President places no emphasis on accountability relating to the manner in which the war was conducted, we feel that this report does contain some concrete recommendations. They are a guide to the achievement of true reconciliation and harmony.
The Commission made several recommendations for the achievement of ethnic harmony, including specifically, the need to reduce military presence in civilian areas, to return to people the lands that belong to them, investigations into human rights violations, the release of those being kept in detention and most importantly, promptly arriving at a political solution that includes maximum devolution of power. We ask that the government implement these
recommendations made by the Commission that it appointed itself. The government must, instead of always merely making promises, begin to act in a speedy and transparent manner.
The 30 year war uprooted hundreds of thousands of people from their homes.
While some of them left this country, today, 3 years after the war many thousands are still displaced, living as refugees in this country. The government should take immediate steps to resettle these people back in their homes. Speedy action must be of taken to resettle the people of Valikamam, Jaffna and Sampur, Trincomalee. The Sri Lankan government should accept and respect the
fundamental right of people to live in their own homes, and act with responsibility in this regard. The international community should pay more attention to this issue, and facilitate processes for the government to better fulfill their responsibility in this regard.
Many Tamil youth are in Sri Lankan prisons, with no hope for their future. While there are those who, three years after the war, have not been released and are still in detention, there are many who were captured and imprisoned after the war. These include those were captured by the military forces and those who surrendered themselves to the forces. Some have been charged, but as their cases have not yet been concluded they remain in detention for indefinite periods of time. There is no clear information regarding large numbers of those captured and those who surrendered themselves – secrecy surrounds their detention.
The parents and families of these youth suffer great agony over their plight. The Tamil people themselves share in this agony. The treatment of these youth reopens old wounds, instead of attempting to heal them. We have repeatedly raised this issue with the government, but have received no concrete response. Not one promise that has been made to us in this regard has been fulfilled. The government must take speedy action with regard to this issue. It must reveal
the truth regarding those arrested to their relatives; It must release detainees; it must understand that arriving at a concrete solution in this regard is essential for true reconciliation.
We thus strongly urge the Sri Lankan government to act sincerely in this regard and take steps to release all Tamil political prisoners.
I would also like to place frank emphasis on certain things that the global community must understand.
Including all those killed during the war, upto those killed during the final battle in 2009, several tens of thousands of innocent Tamils have been killed as a result of the war. It is thought that the way in which the war was conducted, and other incidents relating to the war, violated both International Human Rights law and International Humanitarian law. It has now been accepted internationally that a transparent, independent and proper investigations must take place to determine the truth of the manner in which the war was conducted.
The Panel of Experts appointed by the UN Secretary General also recommended such an investigation. Further, the Resolution passed at the recent UN Human Rights Council also emphasized on the government’s responsibility in this regard. Our position too, is that an inquiry should be conducted into the violations of International Human Rights law and International Humanitarian law during the war that is now over, in accordance with standards of International Human Rights law and International Humanitarian law. This is because we believe that an independent, transparent, legitimate investigation that is capable of determining the truth of what took place, which is acceptable to all parties involved and which
holds the respective parties responsible, is indispensable not only for the Rule of law in this country, but also for peace, harmony and reconciliation.
This is the final opportunity to bring lasting peace to this country. Countries that believe that lasting peace in Sri Lanka is in their local and international interests, must use this final opportunity that is now within their reach. History has taught us lessons through our non violent struggles for reasonable political demands that were all quenched by violence. The long history of violent suppression in 1956, 58, 61, 77, 81 and 83 made way for the war, which continued until 2009.
Once again the Tamil people fear that as we again begin our non violent struggle for our political rights, an environment is being created for such struggle to be quelled by violent means. All the warning signs indicate that this is so.
If such violence is used against us again, it will not only spell grave danger for the country, but will also result in great destruction for the Tamil people. It is thus the responsibility of the international community to prevent such violence being unleashed against the Tamil people.
Our people may have suffered loss and destruction and become weary and jaded from the long armed struggle; but the world must clearly understand that events after the war only cause anger, rage, and frustration in our people.
Plainly militarized surroundings; life that is under continuous military surveillance; the rigid control of the defence forces over civil administration; the longtime delay in creating opportunities for employment; the systematic corruption of economic, social and cultural lives of Tamil women and youth; Sinhalization that takes place both secretly and openly; systematically excluding representatives of the Tamil people from reconstruction and economic development schemes; deliberate steps being taken to change the demographic composition of the Tamil homeland; removing ethnic, religious, historical and cultural symbols of the Tamil speaking peoples from areas traditionally inhabited by the Tamil people and constructing
Buddhist temples and religious symbols in their place with the intention of destroying all traces of the Tamil people in those areas; none of these are signs of reconciliation. None of these are signs that the Tamil people are being treated as equals. None of these are signs that bring peace or hope to the Tamil people. These are all foundation stones for the destruction of the Tamil people, the like of which has never been seen before.
Let the international community, which preaches the doctrine of humanity and the principles for the advancement of the human race, be aware that here, on this island, a national ethnic group that has lived here for several tens of thousands of years, is now on the cusp of extermination. The global community must understand that the future of a great people with their own distinct standards of humanity is now in great danger. We must all come together to change this. This is our last opportunity to do this. The international community must understand that.
Respected delegates,
We must build up the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi so that it may prove to be a strong source of leadership to Sri Lanka’s Tamils. Built up from the grassroots, it must become a great movement of the people. This people’s movement built from within the people, by the people, for the people, must not only be a great political force, but must also a positive impact on the social, cultural and economic life of the people. Our blueprint for the future of our party must thus be accurate and far sighted, able to facilitate the future development of the party in multiple ways.
Our future plans must centre around women and youth, the pillars of the future
and important members of our society. The 30 long years of conflict gave us no opportunity to build up our party in a proper manner. We must thus see the present environment, in which we have the great love and support of our people, and the assistance of the international community, as an important opportunity for the service of our people, and use it wisely.
Women are the backbone of any society. A society will either stand straight and tall or bent and bowed depending on the manner in which the women in that society live. Historically, the Tamil woman has suffered indescribable pain and agony. Improving the social and economic lives of our women must be a foremost priority of our party.
Youth are the pillars of a society. The future leaders of a community, they are an indication of the future of the community itself. Our party must also begin today the task of strengthening the pillars of tomorrow with lessons of confidence, good behavior and the indispensable importance of knowledge.
The Tamil National Alliance provides strong leadership to all Tamils. When considering issues of development and deterioration of the Tamil people there can be no division of the Muslim, Hindu or Christian communities. In Sri Lanka’s new political environment in which the phrases ‘majority community’ and ‘minority community’ figure prominently, a most intelligent approach is for all Tamil speaking peoples to come together as ‘one people’. Thus, bringing together Tamil speaking peoples of the Hindu, Muslim and Christian communities to join in our journey to freedom must be a priority.
Our service must also reach areas outside the traditional homelands of the Tamil people, to the hill country and the South. We must make appropriate plans for our work in those areas as well, and include the Tamil speaking peoples of those areas in our movement.
The only way for minority ethnic groups in this country to preserve their ethnic, religious and cultural symbols and traditions is to join under the umbrella of Tamil speaking peoples.
I would also like to use this opportunity to appeal to the political parties that are a part of the Sri Lankan government, representing some of Sri Lanka’s Tamil speaking peoples.
The reason for the delay in arriving at a solution for the problems of the Tamil speaking peoples is the insincere, dishonest, harmful intention of the government. There may be personal and other reasons for parties representing some of Sri Lanka’s Tamil speaking peoples to offer their unconditional support to this government. However, these parties must not, in effect, assist this government in deliberately delaying arriving at a solution for the problem concerning the political rights of Tamil speaking peoples. These parties must not give the government an opportunity to fulfill its cunning plan to reduce the effectiveness of the solution that is arrived at, by claiming that it has the support of Tamil parties to arrive at a solution within a unitary state structure. These parties must come forward to act beyond personal and party interests and act in the in the interests of the people they represent. As representatives of the Tamil
speaking peoples we must put forward a strong proposal for a solution that does not call into question the sovereignty of the peoples we represent. I ask all parties to unite together for this purpose.
My dear friends,
We are greatly indebted to the service of Tamil people who are abroad. Despite having left their motherland, they continue to serve it because of their great love for their country and their people, and their devotion to their community. As an ordinary Tamil living in this country, I greatly respect them.
This gathering of those of us elected as representatives of our people is also an appropriate one to express our thoughts to our kin who are now abroad.
My respected friends,
Certain groups of Tamils living abroad, are of the opinion that the Tamil people in Sri Lanka have been completely defeated and are unable to expose the political situation here. This idea is not completely accurate. Quietly, but steadfastly, the Tamil people are talking about this situation. They are expressing themselves concerning the establishment of the inalienable political rights of our people. Their election of the Tamil National Alliance was in itself a strong and courageous message. In addition to the Tamil people, we, as representatives of the Tamil
people, are also openly expressing ourselves. I thus humbly appeal to the Tamil Diaspora, that the thinking that the Tamil people in Sri Lanka have been completely defeated and are unable to express themselves concerning their political aspirations must decrease.
Wherever our people may live – whether in the homeland, or abroad – those of us in the Tamil National Alliance will represent them all equally. However those who live abroad must think beyond their personal estimations and ideas, and always give importance to the situation of those living in the homeland.
The Diaspora must respect the political thinking of those living here. They must respect the courage with which they make decisions, and their ability to determine their own political destiny. The Diaspora must trust in these capabilities of the Tamil people living here. The Diaspora’s political initiatives, and public statements on behalf of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka must not negatively affect the situation here; they must not prove to be obstacles to our efforts here. It is the efforts that are made by the people in Sri Lanka, which are made in accordance with the situation in Sri Lanka, and with sensitivity to this situation, that will finally bring about concrete results for the Tamil Nation.
My dear friends,
We must declare that it is the Tamil Diaspora all over the world that is a source of great political and economic strength to those living in Sri Lanka. Their presence, movements and participation must always be promoted and respected. During the brutal war, and in the immediate aftermath of its violent conclusion, it is the Diaspora that strengthened and supported the Tamil people here. It is our heartfelt wish that their service will continue with the same vigour and momentum.
The Diaspora must be greatly involved in the improvement of the social and economic lives of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka. In this post war environment, they must work to increase their standard of living. It is the Diaspora that must create an environment that will be conducive to our people being able to stand on their own feet. This involvement must not be superficial but properly planned and implemented. It is our wish that the Diaspora create an economic structure distinctly suitable to our local environment for the benefit of our people here.
My respected friends,
Although we are here at a gathering of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, as it is the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi that gives leadership to the Tamil National Alliance, as the leader of both the Katchi and the Alliance I would also like to clarify the following matters.
It is natural for differences of opinion to arise within a democratic political party. Indeed, such differences of opinion must arise, for that is the basis of democracy. However, such differences of opinion must be raised within the party and resolved there. They must not be expressed in public forums. This is not a good practice. Such practices will not promote unity or resolve conflicting ideas. In fact, they will only promote conflict and encourage it to grow. They will lead to schisms within the party and will not only impact the party negatively, but will weaken our
community. As representatives of the people, we must never forget this. I would thus like to state with certainty and clarity that our party will not allow or encourage the modern political trend of publicizing internal conflicts that arise within the party. A defining characteristic of a democratic party is that it opens its doors to all kinds of opinions. Our party is such a party. As our aspirations are to improve the party and benefit the people, we welcome concrete ideas that will help in the journey towards that Sri Lanka. I would also like to state with certainty that we are determined in our desire to examine, select, internalize and implement constructive ideas and move on to the next stage of our journey.
My greatly respected friends
Our heartfelt desire continues to be that of creating a bright future for our people. We believe that the time is becoming ripe for this.
Our understanding and relationship with members of the international community including India and the United States that has come about by slow degrees, little by little, as a result of methodical, measured action and thinking, is becoming a source of strength for our community.
We believe that this has the potential to help us arrive at a concrete, permanent political solution for the ethnic problem our community faces.
You are the fountain for this hope we have.
What we need from you – is unity, trust, protection and co-operation.
You must build the genuine unity that is necessary to create an untainted force that will lead the Tamil Nation.
You must have faith that our every step is taken with great care along an honest and straightforward path with only one goal – to achieve lasting political freedom for our people.
You must study with care the deep significance of our every effort, and not obstruct or discredit these efforts, but protect and promote them.
Certain actions we take of a diplomatic nature, with deep political significance, must not be carelessly explained to our people, as this will only cause confusion and perplexity among them.
Instead, you must give us your full cooperation.
We remember all those who have lost their lives – more than a hundred thousand of our kin – in our struggle for freedom. It is with their blessings that we continue on this journey.
We will do all we can to reach the Sri Lanka they were unable to reach in the past, using the approach of the past, with the contemporary approaches of today’s world. We will do this for them, and for ourselves.
May this historical victory be our offering at the graves of those who have lost their lives, and may it make wholesome the withered lives of those who are alive today.
Thank you
Vanakkam.
Read more!
Tuesday, November 24, 2009
News: Amensty International Tells Canada and Australia to Respect Laws Regarding Recent Tamil Refugees
Amnesty International, through a statement made by its Secretary General for Canada in conjunction with the Canadian Council for Refugees to Canada, and statement made by the overall Secretary General for Amnesty Intl. worldwide to Australia, has condemned the politicking and fear-mongering by the respective governments regarding the cases of the Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka.
Canada has been flouting its own laws as well as its obligations to uphold international norms and treaties that they subscribe in the caes of the recent Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka. Australia was trying to do so with the Tamil refugees trying to reach Australia, but Indonesia was unwilling to be an accomplice to Australia, curiously. The situations are very similar. The name of the ship that arrived in Canada was the Ocean Lady, carrying 76 passengers. The name of the ship that was intercepted by Indonesia en route to Australia was the Ocean Viking, carrying 78 passengers. The Canadian Coast Guard was not aware of the Ocean Lady until tipped off by the Sri Lankan government. Many immigrants from that part of the world brave the treacherous voyage across the Pacific Ocean, although this rarely makes the news because many who come as stowaways in freight containers are dead on arrival. The Australian government was notified by the Indonesian government before responding to the situation. The Ocean Viking may have been heading for Christmas Island, like a previous ship had recently, and Christmas Island is where refugees land to apply for asylum in Australia. The detention facility for such asylum seekers on that island, as well as the life-threatening journey to Canada across the Pacific Ocean, are evidently much better options for the refugees than the internment camps in which they would otherwise be languishing in Sri Lanka.
When immigrants apply for refugee status, it is incumbent on the adopted countries to not share this information with the government from which the refugees fled. Since the refugees are being persecuted, any of their families, neighbours, colleagues, etc. who remain behind should not be unfairly punished. See below for details regarding laws to this effect. Canada, however, has bragged that it has shared information that it gained after "interviewing" its Tamil refugees with the Sri Lankan government. The judge in the court hearing for the refugee applicants also ordered a media ban on the personal details of the applicants from the outset, meaning that some of the articles reporting details about the refugees would have contravened this media ban. Even if Canadian officials delayed the beginning court hearing for "security reasons" (read: "terrorism") so that they could "interview" (read: interrogate) the refugees, so as to delay the inevitable media ban so that Canadian tabloid newspapers could immediately publish details of the refugees without legal or factual accountability, that doesn't excuse the obligations to uphold international obligations in these matters. Australian newspapers have been in sync with the Canadian newspapers, to the extent of writing vignettes on Ocean Viking individuals and followup articles to further insinuate, which in some cases involved sharing information.
Now, the only thing that these governments gain is political points among their domestic constituencies. It makes them look good to "be tough on" (read: make an example of) these sinister, dark-skinned, scary, evil refugees, who also might steal jobs and drain government money in a tough economy when "honest, hard-working" Canadians and/or Australians struggle to make ends meet. And all this irresponsible media plays in really well into government policy to pander to the majority, especially in Canada. But at the end of the day, they have to respect the basic human decency shrined in international laws. You can't go around quoting fake experts, as both countries have done, just to further your agenda, when you know your obligations run counter to this, and hope to get away if the democracy is functioning properly. Especially when your case to deport the refugees (read: send back to Sri Lanka, where they will most likely be tortured and killed) is based on a person who has been thoroughly scrutinized and discredited a full 6 years ago.
Letter concerning confidentiality of claimant information
The following letter was sent by CCR and Amnesty International Canada
Amnesty International Chief Blasts Australia's 'Panic' Over Asylum Seekers
Tamils risk all to flee Sri Lanka
Al Jazeera
November 22, 2009
And in other news, the Australia Refugee Council is unhappy with New Zealand's unwillingness to accept any refugees:
Australia refugee council disappointed in NZ stance on asylum seekers in Australia
Radio New Zealand International
Posted at 05:55 on 20 November, 2009 UTC
The President of Australia’s Refugee Council, John Gibson, says New Zealand is obliged to shoulder some of the resettlement needs arising from the growing number of asylum seekers arriving in Australia.
Canberra is under pressure to resettle up to 78 Sri Lankan asylum seekers who its customs officers picked up in Indonesian waters last month, triggering a four-week standoff with Jakarta over which country would process the group.
New Zealand has ruled out taking any of the Sri Lankans.
Confirming that Australia had raised the question of taking some, Immigration Minister Jonathan Coleman said his government was wary of rewarding actions that seek to jump the queue for entry to New Zealand.
John Gibson says it’s a disappointing stance.
“It should really be a matter of trans-Tasman support. One of the boats was headed for New Zealand earlier this year and ran aground in the Torres Strait. Despite the distance between us, we see hopefully some positive developments and that includes other countries of resettlement as well.”
Read more!
Background
Canada has been flouting its own laws as well as its obligations to uphold international norms and treaties that they subscribe in the caes of the recent Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka. Australia was trying to do so with the Tamil refugees trying to reach Australia, but Indonesia was unwilling to be an accomplice to Australia, curiously. The situations are very similar. The name of the ship that arrived in Canada was the Ocean Lady, carrying 76 passengers. The name of the ship that was intercepted by Indonesia en route to Australia was the Ocean Viking, carrying 78 passengers. The Canadian Coast Guard was not aware of the Ocean Lady until tipped off by the Sri Lankan government. Many immigrants from that part of the world brave the treacherous voyage across the Pacific Ocean, although this rarely makes the news because many who come as stowaways in freight containers are dead on arrival. The Australian government was notified by the Indonesian government before responding to the situation. The Ocean Viking may have been heading for Christmas Island, like a previous ship had recently, and Christmas Island is where refugees land to apply for asylum in Australia. The detention facility for such asylum seekers on that island, as well as the life-threatening journey to Canada across the Pacific Ocean, are evidently much better options for the refugees than the internment camps in which they would otherwise be languishing in Sri Lanka.
When immigrants apply for refugee status, it is incumbent on the adopted countries to not share this information with the government from which the refugees fled. Since the refugees are being persecuted, any of their families, neighbours, colleagues, etc. who remain behind should not be unfairly punished. See below for details regarding laws to this effect. Canada, however, has bragged that it has shared information that it gained after "interviewing" its Tamil refugees with the Sri Lankan government. The judge in the court hearing for the refugee applicants also ordered a media ban on the personal details of the applicants from the outset, meaning that some of the articles reporting details about the refugees would have contravened this media ban. Even if Canadian officials delayed the beginning court hearing for "security reasons" (read: "terrorism") so that they could "interview" (read: interrogate) the refugees, so as to delay the inevitable media ban so that Canadian tabloid newspapers could immediately publish details of the refugees without legal or factual accountability, that doesn't excuse the obligations to uphold international obligations in these matters. Australian newspapers have been in sync with the Canadian newspapers, to the extent of writing vignettes on Ocean Viking individuals and followup articles to further insinuate, which in some cases involved sharing information.
Now, the only thing that these governments gain is political points among their domestic constituencies. It makes them look good to "be tough on" (read: make an example of) these sinister, dark-skinned, scary, evil refugees, who also might steal jobs and drain government money in a tough economy when "honest, hard-working" Canadians and/or Australians struggle to make ends meet. And all this irresponsible media plays in really well into government policy to pander to the majority, especially in Canada. But at the end of the day, they have to respect the basic human decency shrined in international laws. You can't go around quoting fake experts, as both countries have done, just to further your agenda, when you know your obligations run counter to this, and hope to get away if the democracy is functioning properly. Especially when your case to deport the refugees (read: send back to Sri Lanka, where they will most likely be tortured and killed) is based on a person who has been thoroughly scrutinized and discredited a full 6 years ago.
Statements
Letter concerning confidentiality of claimant information
The following letter was sent by CCR and Amnesty International Canada
22 October 2009
The Honourable Jason Kenney, P.C., M.P.
Minister for Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism
Citizenship and Immigration Canada
Ottawa, Ontario, K1A 1L1
The Honourable Peter Van Loan, P.C., M.P.
Minister of Public Safety Canada
Public Safety Canada
269 Laurier Avenue West
Ottawa, Ontario, K1A 0P8
Dear Ministers,
We are writing to express our grave concern at media reports that Canadian government authorities have been collaborating with Sri Lankan authorities in establishing the identity of the 76 individuals who recently arrived by boat on the West Coast. Given that these persons appear to be claiming Canada’s protection as refugees, such collaboration with the government of the country from which they fled is completely inappropriate.
As you know, personal information about refugee claimants must be kept confidential. This principle is recognized internationally, including in numerous Conclusions of the UNHCR Executive Committee, as well as in Canada’s own legislation, which provides for refugee hearings before the Immigration and Refugee Board to be held in private. This is for the protection both of the persons who are making a claim and of others such as family members or colleagues who might be put at risk if claimant information is disclosed.
It is particularly dangerous for information to be shared with government authorities from the country that the claimants fled. In many cases the government is the persecutor.
It is well documented that many serious human rights abuses have been committed by the Sri Lankan government. Numerous Sri Lankans have been recognized as refugees after making a claim in Canada (nearly 1,000 in 2008 alone). Sharing information with the Sri Lankan government about claimants may put them or their family members at risk. Information obtained from the Sri Lankan government about claimants in Canada may be unreliable, given that government’s implication in human rights abuses.
We were extremely disturbed to read in the National Post today the name of one of the passengers on board alleged to be “wanted in Sri Lanka for terrorism”. The newspaper attributed its information to “two sources familiar with the investigation”. We request that you make internal investigations to ascertain whether this dangerous leak came from a government source, and ensure no further personal information on any of the passengers is released to the media.
We ask you to take vigorous measures to ensure that all relevant government agencies have in place policies prohibiting inappropriate communications with foreign governments about refugee claimants, and that these policies are respected.
Yours sincerely,
Elizabeth McWeeny Alex Neve
President, Canadian Council for Refugees Secretary General, Amnesty International Canada
Amnesty International Chief Blasts Australia's 'Panic' Over Asylum Seekers
The head of Amnesty International, Irene Khan, says the Australian government should close its immigration detention center on Christmas Island.
Photo: AP
Irene Khan, secretary general of Amnesty International (File Photo)
The head of Amnesty International, Irene Khan, says the Australian government should close its immigration detention center on Christmas Island. On a visit to Australia, Khan accuses the conservative opposition of exploiting voters' fears about asylum seekers for political gain.
Amnesty International Secretary-General Irene Khan says that holding asylum seekers at the Christmas Island processing center will not deter the flow of boat people heading to Australia.
On a visit to Canberra this week, Khan urged the government of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd to close the camp in the Indian Ocean, about 2,600 kilometers northwest of Perth.
The facility opened last year and houses asylum seekers recently picked up by the Australian navy.
A surge of unauthorized arrivals by boat has put the issue of immigration back in the public spotlight in Australia. Khan says the debate here has often been xenophobic.
The Amnesty International chief blames conservative politicians for whipping up public hysteria.
"I think it is unscrupulous politicians and populist media," Khan said. "There has been a lot of fuss being made about the boat arrivals when actually the numbers arriving by air are much higher. There seems to be a sense of panic when what is really needed here is to handle a humanitarian problem with regard to international standards."
She says the number of boat arrivals in Australia is small compared those arriving in Europe.
Khan, however, calls the Rudd government's immigration policies an improvement on those of the previous conservative administration. She points out Mr. Rudd's decision to grant permanent residency rather than temporary protection visas to those deemed to be genuine refugees and the closure of the outback Woomera detention center and offshore processing facilities in the South Pacific.
Amnesty International says a multilateral approach is needed to deal with the asylum problem.
The Australian government says the surge of migrants arriving by boat is the result of conflicts in Sri Lanka and Afghanistan as well as the global economic crisis.
Australia accepts more than 10,000 refugees a year who are processed through non-governmental agencies in other countries.
Tamils risk all to flee Sri Lanka
Al Jazeera
November 22, 2009
| About 250,000 people fled the final bloody phase of the civil war between the government and separatist Tamil Tigers. They were ultimately housed in government-run camps in the district of Vavuniya. Hundreds of thousands of Tamils' have been displaced in the fighting and are now living in hastily put together refugee camps that have been largely shut off from the outside world. More and more Tamils have been risking their lives - spending weeks on the oceans - in the hopes of reaching Australia. Al Jazeera's Step Vaessen, in Valaichchenai, Sri Lanka, reports that a new group of asylum-seekers are said to be preparing to board boats on the island's southeastern coast and sail directly to Australia's Christmas Island. Irene Khan, the secretary-general of Amnesty International, the London-based human rights group, says the international community should be more involved in finding a safe home for Sri Lanka's Tamils. "These people are in search of protection, the international community is doing very little," she told Al Jazeera during an interview on Sunday. "It is not people smuggling. I would call it a flow of asylum-seekers." According to Khan, asylum seeking is a growing trend. Negative propaganda Khan said the Australian authorities should speed up the processing of refugees for resettlement in the country and increase the number. "There is a lot of fear and negative propaganda about refugees and asylum-seekers - that these are people looking for a better life, when really, in effect, they are fleeing to save their lives," she said. "There has to be a change in public opinion. Political leaders, and governments in particular, need to take charge to change the way in which refugees and asylum seekers are viewed - these are desperate people in need of protection and it should be provided to them."
"Consequently, not only have there been a diaspora of Sri Lankans travelling to other countries around the world, but there's also been a fundamental lack of jobs and lack of economic growth that, we hope, will come to an end with the end of the civil war earlier this year." In contrast to Khan, who says this is not a case of people being smuggled but a case of flow of refugees, Lom believes "this is a mixed flow of genuine refugees and economic migrants who are coming for a variety of reasons, but primarily economic reasons such as finding better jobs; supporting their families; getting better education for their children - which are all things they they expect to find in Australia. "But what they don't necessarily take into account when coming to that decision is that the streets of industrialised countries are not necessarily paved with gold and that they are probably taking serious risks by putting their lives in the hands of people smugglers". Rising numbers At least 9,612 Sri Lankans applied for asylum in developed countries last year. However, they are part of a far wider problem. The UN says more than 839,000 people worldwide went through legal channels to gain refugee status in 2008.
In Asia-Pacific, Australia is a prime destination for asylum-seekers - at least 13,000 refugees from across the world re-settled in the country last year. That is an increase from just over 10,000 in 2007 - owing to conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq and Sri Lanka. More than 4500 asylum-seekers arrived by air and were granted temporary status, which allowed them to live in the community while their applications were processed - compared to 161 people who reached Australia by boat. Immigration figures suggest "boat people" are the ones with more genuine claims to refugee status. But in the period their claims are under consideration, they are kept in detention. |
More
And in other news, the Australia Refugee Council is unhappy with New Zealand's unwillingness to accept any refugees:
Australia refugee council disappointed in NZ stance on asylum seekers in Australia
Radio New Zealand International
Posted at 05:55 on 20 November, 2009 UTC
The President of Australia’s Refugee Council, John Gibson, says New Zealand is obliged to shoulder some of the resettlement needs arising from the growing number of asylum seekers arriving in Australia.
Canberra is under pressure to resettle up to 78 Sri Lankan asylum seekers who its customs officers picked up in Indonesian waters last month, triggering a four-week standoff with Jakarta over which country would process the group.
New Zealand has ruled out taking any of the Sri Lankans.
Confirming that Australia had raised the question of taking some, Immigration Minister Jonathan Coleman said his government was wary of rewarding actions that seek to jump the queue for entry to New Zealand.
John Gibson says it’s a disappointing stance.
“It should really be a matter of trans-Tasman support. One of the boats was headed for New Zealand earlier this year and ran aground in the Torres Strait. Despite the distance between us, we see hopefully some positive developments and that includes other countries of resettlement as well.”
Read more!
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
